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<p>L'UMR 7023 a le plaisir de vous convier, dans le cadre des séances de son<br>
séminaire (<a href="http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/-Seminaire-de-l-UMR-7023,50-.html">http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/-Seminaire-de-l-UMR-7023,50-.html</a>),<br>
<br>
le lundi 17 octobre 2011<br>
10h00-12h00,<br>
Université Paris VIII, 2, rue de la liberté, 93200 Saint-Denis (métro<br>
Saint-Denis Université, ligne 13), bâtiment D, salle D 328 (ATTENTION :<br>
SALLE INHABITUELLE)<br>
<br>
à une conférence de Dalina Kallulli (University of Vienna)<br>
<br>
intitulée<br>
<br>
“At first it's unfamiliar then it strikes root: reflexives that do not<br>
behave themselves”<br>
<br>
Résumé :<br>
In this talk I will discuss so-called “inherent” reflexive verbs (e.g.<br>
'behave/devote oneself' in English, 'se suicider' in French, 'sich<br>
schämen' in German, 'vergognarsi' in Italian), in which the reflexive<br>
element does not correspond to a semantic argument (cf. *'I behaved<br>
John'). I argue that inherent reflexives are the counterparts of so-called<br>
“deponent” verbs familiar from traditional grammars of Latin, in the sense<br>
that the reflexive element in them is the counterpart of the ‘deponent’<br>
(i.e. 'passive' as opposed to 'active') inflection in Latin and other<br>
languages with distinct conjugational voice paradigms. In turn, the<br>
correlations I draw between inherent reflexives and deponents throw new<br>
light on the directionality of transitivity alternations and on the issue<br>
whether and what kind of meaning ‘roots’ encode. Crucially, I contend<br>
that: (i) inherent reflexives (and their deponent counterparts) are ‘root’<br>
formations, specifically from nominal and/or adjectival roots, i.e.<br>
conforming to the schema [x [x √NOUN/ADJ]]; (ii) inherent reflexives<br>
(and deponents in languages that have them) lack an external argument in<br>
the syntax. Building on the idea that overt morphological voice markings<br>
reflect a subset of the feature distinctions associated with v0 in the<br>
syntax, aka ‘flavors-of-v’ accounts (Folli & Harley 2005), the central<br>
claim that I put forward is that ‘deponent’ morphology, be it<br>
non-active/passive or reflexive (depending on the language), relates to an<br>
'actor-initiation' feature (Kallulli 2007) of v° in syntactic<br>
configurations lacking an external argument (Embick 1997, 2000, 2004).<br>
<br>
References cited:<br>
<br>
Embick, David. 1997. Voice and the interfaces of syntax. Doctoral<br>
Dissertation. University of Pennsylvania.<br>
<br>
Embick, David. 2000. Features, syntax, and categories in the Latin<br>
Perfect. Linguistic Inquiry 31:185-230.<br>
<br>
Embick, David. 2004. Unaccusative syntax and verbal alternations. In A.<br>
Alexiadou et al. (eds.) The Unaccusativity Puzzle 137-158. Oxford: Oxford<br>
University Press.<br>
<br>
Folli, Raffaella & Heidi Harley. 2005. Flavours of v: consuming results in<br>
Italian and English. In P. Kempchinsky & R. Slabakova (eds.) Aspectual<br>
Enquiries 95-120. Dordrecht: Springer.<br>
<br>
Kallulli, Dalina. 2007. Rethinking the passive/anticausative distinction.<br>
Linguistic Inquiry 38:770-780.<br>
<br>
-- <br>
Jean-Louis AROUI<br>
Université Paris 8<br>
UFR des Sciences du Langage<br>
2, rue de la liberté<br>
93200 Saint-Denis<br>
FRANCE<br>
<a href="http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/-Aroui-Jean-Louis-.html">http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/-Aroui-Jean-Louis-.html</a><br>
<br>
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