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<p class="MsoNormal">Les projets de la Fédération TUL<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
Structure Argumentale et Structure Aspectuelle<br>
Langues avec Articles – Langues sans Articles</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">et l'UMR 7023 Structures Formelles du Langage – Equipe
Architecture<br>
Grammaticale<br>
<br>
ont le plaisir de vous inviter<br>
à un exposé de Fabienne Martin (Université de Stuttgart)</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Date : lundi 25.06 de 14h à 16h</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Lieu: <span> </span>Université de Paris 8, bâtiment D, sale D143.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span lang="EN-US">Title: </span></b><span lang="EN-US">The modality of "offer" and other
defeasible causative verbs (joined work with Florian Schäfer)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><br>
<br>
<b>Abstract</b>: <span> </span>As Oehrle 1976:25
observes, contrary to 'give', 'offer' with an agentive subject necessitates
only that the possessor is willing to give the internal argument's referent up
to somebody: no uptake is required on the latter's part. However, the
uptake seems taken for granted with causer subjects (cp. in French 'L'organisateur
de la course lui a offert la première place. </span>Mais elle a refusé ce
marché'<br>
vs "Son excellent résultat lui a offert la première place. <span lang="EN-US">\# Mais elle ne l'a pas prise').<br>
These verbs, that we propose to call 'defeasible causatives' since they allow
to cancel the inference that the result takes place in some contexts, count at
least 60 members in French and German. The talk addresses the question of how
their ambiguity should be handled in the<br>
semantics. </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">We first
show that the two uses do not differ in event event complexity -- even
the 'non-implicative' reading involves a bi-eventive structure. We
then argue that these verbs involve a sublexical modal<br>
base à la Koenig and Davis (2001) both with agent and causer subjects, and
propose to capture the difference between the implicative and non-implicative
readings through the choice of the modal base. With agents, defeasible
causatives are typically interpreted with respect to the energetic modal base.
As a result, the result is not entailed in the world of evaluation, no matter
whether we deal with an intentional or a non-intentional agentive reading (i.e.
no matter whether the Agent's intention fits the VP description or not). With
causers, defeasible causatives are typically interpreted with respect to the
circumstantial modal base. The result is then entailed in the world of
evaluation. But with such causer subjects, in the right context, defeasible
causatives can also have their non-implicative reading once they are interpreted
with respect to a stereotypical modal base. This fact goes against an
alternative analysis which would explain the two uses as a case of lexical ambiguity,
the non-implicative 'offer' having a sublexical modal component and the
implicative 'offer' lacking it.<br>
</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><b>References</b><br>
Koenig, J.-P. and Davis, A. (2001), Sublexical Modality and the Structure of
Lexical Semantic Representations, Linguistics and Philosophy, 14/1, 71-124.<br>
Martin, F. and Schäfer, F., t.a., The modality of 'offer' and other defeasible
causative verbs. Proceedings of WCCFL 30, eds. N. Arnett & R. Bennett,
Cascadilla Press.<br>
Martin, F. and Schäfer, F., t.a., On the argument structure of verbs with bi-
and mono-eventive uses. Proceedings of NELS 42, S. Keine & S. Sloggett
(eds.). Amherst, MA: GLSA</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
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<a href="http://fr.groups.yahoo.com/group/parislinguists/message/3997;_ylc=X3oDMTM0ZDFiazcxBF9TAzk3NDkwNDY4BGdycElkAzMxNDkxMjQEZ3Jwc3BJZAMyMTIzODEyNTI4BG1zZ0lkAzM5OTcEc2VjA2Z0cgRzbGsDdnRwYwRzdGltZQMxMzQwMjczNTk1BHRwY0lkAzM5OTc-">Toute la discussion</a>
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