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<p><h1><span lang="FR"><span style="font-size: medium;font-weight: normal;">Le projet "La causalité dans le langage et la cognition" de la Fédération "Typologie et universaux linguistiques" (CNRS FR 2559) a le plaisir d'annoncer un exposé : </span></span></h1><div style="text-align: center;"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 16px;"><b>
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</b></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span lang="FR"><b><br></b></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span lang="FR"><b>Jacqueline Guéron, Paris 3</b></span></div><div><span lang="FR"><span style="font-size: 12pt;font-family: 'Times New Roman';"><br></span></span></div><div><span lang="FR"><h1><span lang="FR"><div style="text-align: center;font-size: medium;font-weight: normal;"><abbr title="2010-05-20T12:30:00Z">Lundi 24 juin14:30</abbr>-<abbr title="2010-05-20T14:30:00Z">16:30, CNRS site Pouchet (59 rue Pouchet, Paris 75017), salle 221</abbr></div><div style="text-align: center;font-size: medium;font-weight: normal;">métro ligne 13 Guy Môquet ou Brochant, RER C Porte de Clichy (sortie La Jonquière), bus 66</div><div style="font-size: medium;font-weight: normal;"><br></div><div style="font-size: medium;font-weight: normal;">Résumé : </div></span></h1></span></div><div><span lang="FR">
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<!--StartFragment--><p class="WW-Default"> Building on work by Bhatt (1999) and
Pinon (2003), Hacquard (2009) shows
that deontic possibility and necessity modals in French
exhibit an “Actuality Entailment”, which
requires that the event the verb describes was instantiated, when the modal
bears perfective rather than imperfective aspect. <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> (1)
a. Jeanne pouvait (IMP) prendre le train (mais elle ne l'a pas pris). <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> J. was able (IMP) to take the
train (but she didn't take it)
<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> b. Jeanne a pu/put (PF) prendre le train (# mais elle ne l'a pas
pris). <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> J. was able (PF) to take the
train (# but she didn”t take it) <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> (2) a. Jeanne devait (IMP) partir de
bonne heure (mais elle ne l'a pas fait).<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> b. Jeanne a dû partir de bonne heure
(# mais elle ne l'a pas fait).<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> Following earlier studies, Hacquard proposes that epistemic modals are
located in syntax above the projections of Tense and Aspect while deontic modals are situated
below these projections. In the framework of
possible worlds semantics, Hacquard
proposes that Aspect is a quantifier over an event variable in V which
determines a world of evaluation. When aspect scopes over a deontic modal,
the Event it quantifies over is anchored
to the matrix/actual world, inducing an AE. When Aspect scopes under an
epistemic modal, the modal provides a world of evaluation which then need not
be the actual world; so there is no AE.<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> As suggested by Bhatt, Imperfective
aspect suspends the AE otherwise triggered by a deontic modal by introducing an
additional layer of modality or genericity. <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> This
proposal can be criticized on various grounds. It is too strong - the data is not solid- and too weak- the AE is found in a variety of structures
with modal meaning but without modal verbs. As for aspect, we argue that French and English, whose modal
structures are subject to the AE, do not have an Imperfective/Perfective
aspectual paradigm at all. <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> It is easier to criticize than to
offer an alternative hypothesis. After all, epistemic modals do seem to have
higher scope than deontic modals, and
perfective aspect, where it exits, does
create an AE in modal sentences. <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> I will analyse modal verbs in the same
terms as lexical verbs and other auxiliaries, all of which have lexical content
and take arguments appropriate to their syntactic phase. I propose that modal
verbs are goal-directed stative predicates, which describe a scenario not very
different from that described by eventive predicates like <i>write</i> or <i>murder</i>. I will define perfectivity independent of the
grammatical morphemes which may encode it, in terms of temporal
interpretation. I claim that perfectivity so defined is incompatible with modal construals.<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default">References<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default">Bhatt, R. (1999) Covert Modality
in Non-Finite Contexts, Diss, U. of Pennsylvania.<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman";">V.<span style="font-size: 7pt;"> </span></span><!--[endif]-->Hacquard (2009) “On the Interaction of Aspect and
Modal Auxiliaries”<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default">Cormack, A. & N. Smith
(1998) UCL Working Papers in Linguistics, UCL, 285-322.<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default">Guéron, J. (2004) “Tense
construal and the Argument Structue of Auxiliries” in <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> Guéron & J. Lecarme, eds., The syntax
of Time, Camb., MA,MIT Press. 299-328.<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default">Hacquard, V. (2009) “On the
Interactoin of Aspect and Modal Auxiliaries”, <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default">Iankova-Gorgatchev, B. (2011)
“Le parfait bulgare et le <i>present perfect</i> anglais:<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> sélections aspectuelles” in S. Hancil,ed.
Perspectives théoriques et empiriques sur<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> l'aspect en anglais”, Mont-Saint-Aigna,
Publications des Universités de Rouen et
du<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> Havre, 129-141. <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default">Mari, A. & F. Martin (2007),
“Tense, Abilities, and Actuality Entailment” in <o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> Pinon, C. (2003) “Being able to” in G.
Garding and M. Sujimura, eds. WCCFL 22.<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"> Somerville, Ma, Cascadilla Press, 384-397.<o></o></p><p class="WW-Default"><o> </o></p>
<!--EndFragment--></span></div></p>
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