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<p><div><span style="font-family: Georgia;font-size: 13px;background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Le projet "La causalité dans le langage et la cognition" de la Fédération "Typologie et universaux linguistiques" (CNRS FR 2559) a le plaisir d'annoncer un après-midi d'exposés et discussion </span><abbr class="dtstart" title="2010-05-20T12:30:00Z" style="font-family: Georgia;font-size: 13px;background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">jeudi 14 novembre 2013, 14:00</abbr><span style="font-family: Georgia;font-size: 13px;background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">-</span><abbr class="dtend" title="2010-05-20T14:30:00Z" style="font-family: Georgia;font-size: 13px;background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">17:30</abbr><span style="font-family: Georgia;font-size: 13px;background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> : </span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div id="ygrp-mlmsg" style="font-size: 13px;font-family: Arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif;"><div id="ygrp-msg"><div id="ygrp-text" style="font-family: Georgia;"><div><br></div><div><br></div><div><font size="4">Afternoon of causal connectives</font></div><div><br></div><div>14:00<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span> welcome</div><div><br></div><div>14:15 - 15:45 <b>Oliver Bott (Universität Tübingen) : The mechanics of causal discourse expectations</b></div><div><br></div><div>15:45 - 16:00 pause café</div><div><br></div><div>16:00 - 17:30 <b>Jacques Moeschler (Université de Genève) : Causality and non-iconic order in French</b></div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div>résumés ci-dessous</div><div><div><abbr class="dtstart" title="2010-05-20T12:30:00Z">jeudi 14 novembre 2013, 14:00</abbr>-<abbr class="dtend" title="2010-05-20T14:30:00Z">17:30 au centre CNRS Pouchet (59 rue Pouchet, Paris 75017), salle 311 (notez nouvelle salle)</abbr></div><div>métro ligne 13 Guy Môquet ou Brochant, RER C Porte de Clichy (sortie La Jonquière), bus 66</div></div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div><div>Projet<a href="http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/spip.php?article864"> sfl-cause</a> </div><div><a href="http://www.sfl.cnrs.fr/-Agenda-.html">l'agenda</a><font class="Apple-style-span" face="Helvetica" size="3"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 12px;"> du laboratoire Structures Formelles du Langage</span></font></div><div><a href="http://www.typologie.cnrs.fr/">la Fédération Typologie et Universaux Linguistiques</a></div><div><br></div><div><br></div></div><div><br></div><div><div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><b><span style="font-family: CMSSBX10;">The mechanics of causal discourse expectations </span><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">Oliver Bott, SFB 833, University of Tu ̈bingen joint work with Torgrim Solstad, NTNU Trondheim</span></b></p><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">Psycholinguistic studies of discourse structure have revealed interpretation biases which prove to be highly consistent across production and comprehension, experimental paradigms and languages. For instance, (1) illustrates that the default interpretation of the pronoun varies with the verb and the discourse relation – a phenomenon commonly referred to as implicit causality (IC; (1a) and (1b)) and implicit consequentiality (1c) biases (e.g. Pickering & Majid 2007).</span></p></div></div><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">(1) a.</span></p><ol start="2" style="list-style-type: lower-latin;"><li style="font-family: CMSS10;"><p>John fascinated Bill because he. . .</p></li><li style="font-family: CMSS10;"><p>John fascinated Bill so he. . .</p></li></ol></div><div class="column"><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">(he = Bill) (he = John) (he = Bill)</span></p></div></div><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">John congratulated Bill because he. . .</span></p></div></div><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">Semantic and pragmatic theory, however, have largely ignored discourse biases such as IC, even though these provide an interesting window into the interaction of verbal semantics and discourse coherence relations. The existing research suggests that discourse coherence (Kehler et al. 2008) and verbal semantics (Au 1986; Hartshorne & Snedeker, t.a.) are important factors of IC. However, the exact nature of IC is still poorly understood. Thus, verb-based accounts of IC have merely established correlation patterns between refer- ence resolution and thematic properties of verb arguments (in different guises; cf. e.g. Brown & Fish 1983, Hartshorne & Snedeker, t.a.). Likewise, Kehler et al. (2008) did not explain why it is that IC verbs are prone to trigger the expectation that an explanation will follow.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">In the first part of the talk, I will present a new semantic theory of IC proposed by Bott & Solstad (forthcoming) which incorporates the discourse coherence and reference resolution properties of IC verbs. IC verbs, we claim, trigger expectations for </span><span style="font-family: CMSSI10;">specific explanation types </span><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">building upon the causal typology proposed by Solstad (2010). They do so because they are </span><span style="font-family: CMSSI10;">underspecified with respect to causal content </span><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">which is crucial to the conceptualization of the event or state denoted by the verb. Put differently, IC verbs carry an empty “slot” for specific explanatory content. On this view, IC reflects a general processing preference for not leaving missing content unspecified, i.e. a tendency to avoid accommodation (Altmann & Steedman 1988; van Berkum et al. 1999; van der Sandt 1992). On our account, the reference resolution property of IC verbs is but an epiphenomenon of the explanatory preferences which derives from the association of the missing content with one of the two arguments of IC verbs.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">In the second part of the talk I will present empirical evidence from three discourse continuation studies in which we manipulated whether the missing causal information was already provided in the prompt or not. Consider, for instance, (2).</span></p><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">(2) John congratulated Bill (on the brilliant victory) because he. . .</span></p><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">The results show an almost perfect correspondence between the type of causal content left underspecified by the verb, the causal type of explanations triggered and the observed coreference. Specifying the causal content in the prompt completely changed the distribution of explanation types in a fully predictable way and, as a consequence, eliminated the IC biases observed in the unmodified conditions. The results thus show that IC bias strongly depends on the availability of specific explanation types and that it can be manipulated by specifying those implicit explanations. It should be emphasized that our theory can also account for focussing effects in processing (see, e.g., Koornneef & van Berkum 2006, Pyykk ̈onen & J ̈arvikivi 2010): If a verb triggers a specific kind of explanation, we may expect focussing, i.e. anticipation, of the associated referent.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">As to the relevance for studies on anticipatory processing in general, it may be noted that our theory operates at the level of general expectation types, more specifically </span><span style="font-family: CMSSI10;">different subtypes of explanation relations</span><span style="font-family: CMSS10;">, whereas much work on anticipation to date has been concerned with particular expectations at token level, e.g. expectations regarding the occurrence of specific words and token-specific features (cf. the overview in Kamide 2008). We will conclude with predictions for online studies on IC bias we are currently preparing. </span></p></div></div></div></div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div><b>Jacques Moeschler (Université de Genève) : Causality and non-iconic order in French</b></div><div><div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="section"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p>This talk explores the semantics and pragmatics of causal discourse, which is defined in terms of discourse segments that are used in consequence-cause order, otherwise known as causal non-iconic order. It will provide linguistic and pragmatic arguments in favor of non-iconic order, as well as thorough semantic and pragmatic analyses of the French connectives <span style="font-style: oblique;">parce que, donc </span>and <span style="font-style: oblique;">et</span>. Argumentative uses of <span style="font-style: oblique;">parce que </span>will be analyzed in terms of epistemic use, which obliges the causal relationship to be compatible with the conclusion argument order imposed by argumentative relationships. Finally, the semantic and pragmatic status of <span style="font-style: oblique;">parce que</span>, <span style="font-style: oblique;">donc </span>and <i>et</i> will be defined in terms of semantic entailment, implicature and explicature.</p></div></div></div></div></div><div><br class="webkit-block-placeholder"></div></div><div style="color: rgb(255, 255, 255);height: 0px;"></div><div id="ygrp-actbar" style="white-space: nowrap;color: rgb(102, 102, 102);"><div><br></div></div></div></div><img src="http://geo.yahoo.com/serv?s=97490468/grpId=3149124/grpspId=2123812528/msgId=4904/stime=1382956260" width="1" height="1"> <br></div><div><br></div></p>
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