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<p><span style="font-size: 14px;">Le projet « La causalité dans le langage et la cognition » de la Fédération «Typologie et universaux linguistiques » (CNRS FR 2559) a le plaisir d’annoncer :</span><div><div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div style="text-align: center;"><font size="4"><b>Afternoon of causal morphosyntax</b></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: 14px;"><br></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div><font size="3">11 avril (vendredi) - 14:00 - 17:30</font></div><div><h1 style="text-align: start;"><span lang="FR"><div style="text-align: center;font-weight: normal;"><abbr title="2010-05-20T14:30:00Z"><font size="3">CNRS </font><span style="font-size: 14px;">site Pouchet: 59 rue Pouchet, Paris 75017, salle 221</span></abbr></div><div style="text-align: center;font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14px;">métro ligne 13 Guy Môquet ou Brochant, RER C Porte de Clichy (sortie La Jonquière)</span></div><div style="text-align: center;font-weight: normal;"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 14pt;"><br></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><div><span style="font-size: 14px;font-weight: normal;"><br></span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;font-weight: normal;">14:15 - 15:30 Proto-agentivity in event nominalizations </span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;font-weight: normal;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre;"> </span>Marta Donazzan (Universität zu Köln) et Lucia Tovena (LLF)</span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;font-weight: normal;">15:30 - 16:00 pause café</span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;font-weight: normal;">16:00 - 17:15 <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre;"> </span>The expression of the verb’s external argument in <i>-ble</i> adjectives</span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;font-weight: normal;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre;"> </span>Isabel Oltra-Massuet (Universitat Rovira i Virgili)</span></div><div style="font-weight: normal;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;"><br></font></div></div><div style="text-align: center;font-weight: normal;">
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<div class="column"><p style="text-align: left;"><br></p><p style="text-align: left;"><b style="font-size: 14px;font-family: 'Times New Roman';text-align: center;">Proto-agentivity in event nominalizations </b></p><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: 14px;font-family: 'Times New Roman';text-align: center;">Marta Donazzan (Universität zu Köln) and Lucia Tovena (Paris 7 - LLF)</span></p></div></div></div></div><div><p class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';font-size: 14px;">The Italian -ATA nominalisations have received quite some
attention, primarily from syntacticians and morphologis</span><span style="font-size: 14px;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">ts</span>
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<!--StartFragment--><span lang="FR" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">(Scalise,
1984; Ippolito, 1999; Gaeta, 2000; Samek-Ludovici, 2003; Acquaviva, 2005; Folli
and Harley, 2013, among others). </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';font-size: 14px;">However, the issues they raise are not yet
completely explored. The suffix ATA can attach to a verbal or a nominal base,
and the output is a name of event. <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre;"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';font-size: 14px;text-indent: 35.4pt;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre;"> </span>Potential verb bases undergo aspectual restrictions, because only atelic verb phrases can be nominalized, according to Gaeta (2000), Tovena (2014) and contra Folli and Harley (2013). When the nominalization is built on a nominal base, the position that the denotatum of the base N can occupy on the gradient defined by proto-agentivity (Dowty 1991) influences its ability to occur as a prototypical agent or as instrument in the resulting event (Donazzan and Tovena 2013). </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';font-size: 14px;text-indent: 35.4pt;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre;"> </span>In this talk, we extend the discussion to other cases where restrictions can be related to the semantic notion of proto-agentivity. The (high) position of the denotatum on a proto-agentive scale is connected to its ability to legitimate a processive reading of nominalisations that can have a semelfactive base. Next, proto-agentive properties seem also relevant in allowing the nominalization of unaccusative verbs. These observations will help us highlight the connection between agentivity and telicity, on the one hand, and between agentivity and event conceptualization in case of events constructed out of nominal bases.</span></p><div><br></div><p><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">The expression of the verb’s external argument in -</span><span style="font-weight: 700;font-style: italic;">ble </span><span style="font-weight: 700;">adjectives </span></font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">Isabel Oltra-Massuet (Universitat Rovira i Virgili)</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">In this talk I examine the internal structure of -<span style="font-style: italic;">ble </span>adjectives in Catalan and Spanish. Specifically, I concentrate on the availability and expression of the verb’s external argument in the event structure of -<span style="font-style: italic;">ble </span>adjectives, i.e. what would correspond to the grammatical subject of the underlying verb. Empirical evidence suggests that <span style="font-style: italic;">-ble </span>imposes two requirements on its base: (i) it must have an internal theme argument and (ii) (at least the implication of) an initiator or originator, which must be understood as agent, cause, experiencer or natural force. However, although this proposal neatly accounts for the contrasts in (1)-(2), it leaves the productive cases in (3)-(4) and those in (5) <span style="font-style: italic;">a priori </span>unexplained. The examples in (3)-(4) challenge the validity of condition (ii); those in (5) challenge both requirements, since there are no verbs *<span style="font-style: italic;">alcaldar </span>‘to mayor’, *<span style="font-style: italic;">obispar </span>‘to bishop’, etc.</font></p><ol style="text-align: center;list-style-type: none;"><li><p style="text-align: left;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">(1) a. *una persona envejecible (anticausative meaning) (Sp) a person age.ble</font></p><p style="text-align: left;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;"> b. aleación no envejecible (causative meaning) alloy non ageable</font></p></li><li><p style="text-align: left;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">(2) *una planta florecible, *un árbol crecible, *un accidente ocurrible (Sp) a plant bloom.ble a tree grow.ble an accident happen-ble</font></p></li><li><p style="text-align: left;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">(3) Creció todo lo crecible.</font></p><ol style="list-style-type: lower-latin;"><li><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-style: italic;font-size: 14px;"><font face="Times New Roman">It grew everything that could grow: plants, trees, grass ...</font></span></p></li><li><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-style: italic;font-size: 14px;"><font face="Times New Roman">Something grew up to the highest possible extent / as much as possible.</font></span></p></li></ol></li><li><p style="text-align: left;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">(4) Ocurrió todo lo ocurrible.</font></p><ol style="list-style-type: lower-latin;"><li><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-style: italic;font-size: 14px;"><font face="Times New Roman">It happened everything that could happen: a puncture, an accident, a delay ...</font></span></p></li><li><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-style: italic;font-size: 14px;"><font face="Times New Roman">*Something happened up to the highest possible extent / as much as possible.</font></span></p></li></ol></li><li><div><br class="webkit-block-placeholder"></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">(5) alcaldable, obispable, papable, presidenciable, rectorable</font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">mayor-ble bishop-ble minister-ble Pope-ble presidence-ble rector-ble ‘that can {become / be made / be appointed} N’</font></div><div><br class="webkit-block-placeholder"></div></li></ol><p><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;">I will discuss where and how the relevant properties of the construction in (3)-(4) and the nouns in (5) are encoded to meet the requirement on the implication of an originator for -<span style="font-style: italic;">ble </span>affixation. </font></p></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" style="font-size: 14px;"><br></font></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;">Séances à venir </span>: </div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;"><br></span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;">19 mai (lundi) - 14:30 - 16:30 <b>notez nouvelle heure</b></span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;">Fabienne Martin (Stuttgart) et Hamida Demirdache (Nantes): titre à préciser, sur l’agentivité et la non-culmination</span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;"><br></span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;">2 juin (lundi) - 14:30-16:30</span></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;">Hilary Chappell (CRLAO, EHESS) : Réanalyse des constructions causatives et passives périphrastiques dans les langues sinitiques ayant pour source des marqueurs issus de verbes “donner” et “attendre"</span></div><div><br></div><div><span style="font-size: 14px;"><br></span></div></div></div><a href="http://www.sfl.cnrs.fr/-La-causalite-dans-le-langage-et-la-.html">Groupe sfl-cause</a><div><a href="http://www.typologie.cnrs.fr/">Fédération Typologie et Universaux Linguistiques</a><br><div><a href="http://www.sfl.cnrs.fr/-Agenda-.html">Agenda SFL</a><br><div><br></div></div></div></p>
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