From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Mon Mar  8 09:38:19 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 02:38:19 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Dhegiha Statives from Bob Rankin
Message-ID: <MON.8.MAR.1999.023819.0700.MST.JOHN.KOONTZ@COLORADO.EDU>

A forward with Bob Rankin's approval of some material he sent me off-list. 
I'll try to post some Omaha-Ponca correspondences that I've located in the
near future. Although Bob mentions wanting OP data specifically, of
course, behavior in other Siouan languages would also be interesting,
perhaps even more interesting, as the Dhegiha languages are pretty similar
except wrt various details.  I did find some interesting things.   

I'm grateful to Bob for allowing me to post this list, and I think it's
clear that considering the behavior of forms like this may very well lead
to some interesting new insights into Dhegiha grammar, and perhaps into
Siouan grammar generally, if such behavior is more widespread in the
family.  Bob's Biloxi examples are suggestive in that regard.  

This is certainly not the sort of thing that I've seen anywhere before,
modulo the discussion of Dakotan deponents in Rood & Taylor's Lakota
Sketch.  I recall the deponents as covering a somewhat different, though
overlapping, semantic range. 

From: "Robert L. Rankin" <rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu>
Subject: Re: Statives

I combed through my Kaw database pretty thoroughly and found a bunch more
"stative" verbs with active meanings ... I'll list them below.  The
biggest problem is that the vast majority are from lexical files and not
from texts. 

With the active meanings, it is semantically possible to interpret many
first/second person forms as impersonal 3rd person forms with only a first
or second person object, i.e., such obvious cases as a~-ne 'I ache' being
interpreted as actually being 'it hurts me'.  So I'm curious whether, in
the 1st or 2nd persons, these verbs ever show suffixed 3rd person
morphology like -(a)bi or -akha in Omaha or Ponca.  If a~-ne really is 'X
hurts me', then it seems to me we should expect the same suffixes that
occur with any other active, 3rd person form.

This argument doesn't hold with "real" semantically stative verbs like 'be
X' in Kansa or Quapaw.  Here you get a~-sceje 'I'm tall' or a~-sceje mikhe
'I'm tall (cont.)'.  Do you have evidence for the semantically active set
from Omaha?

First, I ran across one or two interesting Biloxi forms.  BI is very messy
and even after 20 years of messing with it, it's often hard to pick things
apart.  I wish Paula Einaudi had stayed in Linguistics and devoted her
life to BI.  If you check 'fall' in BI, you find that the pronouns can be
either (active) actors or (stative) experiencers.  (Recall that in Biloxi
ONLY the 2nd person really preserves the distinction.)

atoho    	'to fall on' (active conjugation)
nka-(a)toho  	'I fall on an object'
a-ya-toho  	'you fall on an object'

toho ~ taho 	'to fall down' (stative conjug.)
unk-toho  	'I fall'
i-toho    	'you fall' (this is the critical form)
toho		'he falls'

There are a couple of other interesting Biloxi usages.

hi-manki-yan	'you are (reclining?)'

This certainly seems to be the 'be lying' verb (Dak. wa~ka) but the second
person subject is stative rather than the expected active.  This is the
first time I've run across anything like this.  'You are (sitting)' seems
to be <i-nanki>, so maybe this is a stative pattern.

On to Kansa:

badakkaje	'have a fever' (also perhaps stative in BI)
a~-ba...	'I have a fever'

compare:
badakkaje	'heat by pushing'
p-padakkaje	'I heat by pushing'

all the following are conjugated with a~-, yi-.
baghi~je	'sweat, perspire'
basa~sa~	'have chills, shake with a chill'
bleza~ya	'squint, wilt, shrivel up'
gini		'recover, regain consciousness'
hagiye		'forget'
ije_ppaze	'get dizzy' (ije 'face'?)
ixobe		'lie, tell untruth'
kuya		'itch'
ne		'ache, be hurt'
ochi		'have a characteristic'
ophe		'grant one's wish'
ppaha~		'arise, get up
	ppa-a~-ha~ OR a-ppaha~!!
yukkoge		'have a cramp'

The vast majority of these are semantically 'experiencer' governing verbs. 
Interestingly, 'to lie, tell an untruth' is also stative in Crow even
though the verbs are non-cognate.  I guess it's nice to think of one's
falsehoods as 'experienced' rather than generated! :)

And the Quapaw forms, many cognate with the above, but some just
semantically alike (e.g. 'have a cramp').

akda		'suffer'
baxitte		'sweat, perspire'
dittike		'have a cramp'
ipa		'swell'
i~te		'ache, have a pain'
kakkikdattizhe	'tumble over'
kaski		'pant'
kihotta~	'convalesce, improve' (hotta~ 'good')
		(this ki- may be David's "become" in Dak.)
kikkokke	'recover, get well' (ditto)
naho~		'groan'
okima~kka	'share something'
	o-a~-ki... 'I ...'
okixpade	'lose something'
	o-a~-xpa... 'I ...'
oxpade		'fall from a height'
	o-a~-xpa... 'I ...'
tta~/tto~	'have, possess'
wakdazhi	'bend down, stoop. bow head'

That's about the lot.  The forms as they occur in texts are important now,
as we will see if any do take 3rd person suffixes.  It seems to me that
some like 'groan' would be really hard to interpret as 3rd person
impersonals without an overt causative element expresses, and there is
none as far as I can tell.  But I don't have the Kansa or Quapaw text
collection in computer-searchable form, so I can't be sure.  Any input
from Omaha would be greatly appreciated -- especially 1st and 2nd person
forms.


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Tue Mar  9 16:18:53 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:18:53 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.101853.0600.CST.RANKIN@LARK.CC.UKANS.EDU>

You probably should look at any Siouan verb in which the person/number
marking appears in the middle of the root.  This pattern almost invariably
shows that historically there were two roots, i.e., a compound root.  mani
'walk' is one such. The conjugation is ma-wa-ni, ma-ya-ni (and, I think,
u~-mani in the inclusive person, but I'm not sure).  In this instance,
several of us thought that ma- was perhaps the root meaning 'earth,
ground'.  More recently it was discovered that there was a Catawba root of
approximately that shape meaning simply 'go', so the etymology is unclear,
but what is clear is that these "split" roots (stems, actually)  have
ancient incorporated elements.

Take for example 'cough', a verb I've been examining for possible stative
conjugation.  In Kansa at least it is split:  ho-a-xpe, ho-ya-xpe in 1 and
2 sg.  Obviously ho- is in some sense 'incorporated'.  One of the meanings
of ho- is 'voice', and I'd guess that's what we see in hoxpe 'cough'.  

I'll have to check for the 1st dual form because it often is found to the
left of everything else when the 1st and 2nd sg. are infixed.  I'd sort of
expect to find o~-hoxpe 'we-2 cough', but I'll have to search and see if I
elicited the form or if Dorsey has it.  This pattern typical throughout
much of Siouan, so 1ST DUAL/PL VERB FORMS MAY BE CRUCIAL EVIDENCE FOR
INCORPORATION VS. MERE COMPOUNDING in Siouan verbs.

Now, note that in Quapaw, all the pronominals have migrated to the left
edge of the verb:  a-hoxpe, da-hoxpe in 1&2 sg. So "incorporation" is more
convincing here.

Lastly, let me make clear that I am not talking about verbs with known
prefixes like locative a-, o-, i- or instrumentals -- that may be
incorporation by some definitions, but it is definitely different from
incorporation of full lexemes.  You should concentrate on "infixing" verbs
where the identity of the first element is unknown or is clearly a noun or
other a member of some other major lexical class. 

Bob


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Tue Mar  9 17:55:00 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:55:00 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.105500.0700.MST.>

On Tue, 9 Mar 1999, Robert L. Rankin wrote:
> mani 'walk' is one such. The conjugation is ma-wa-ni, ma-ya-ni (and, I
> think, u~-mani in the inclusive person, but I'm not sure).  

That's the pattern in OP (aNmaN'dhiN), though in Dakotan uN is infixed. 
In OP both maN=...dhiN 'walk' and maN=...dhaN 'steal' extrapose the
inclusive, resulting in a pattern like the locative one (in Dakotan).
In a purely infixing pattern OP insets not just 1st and 2nd, but also
the inclusive, cf. mu=a'se, mu'=dhase, mu=aN'se 'I/you/we cut with a
shot'. 

'Walk' and 'steal' are the only two verbs of non-locative origin in OP
that behave like locative verbs, as far as I know.  

Mind you, locatives don't behave consistently like Dakotan locatives in
OP, so sometimes the wa patient inclusive follows a locative (u), and
sometimes the aN agent inclusive does (i).  Also, a and aN of various
first person and inclusive person pronominal origins move to before any wa
or we, etc., if the position they move from is not too deeply buried.  In
general, they move out of a post-locative slot, but not out of a
post-preverbal slot, e..g., not out of a causative. 

I mention these awkward complications because readers with a Dakotanist
background may assume that OP follows Dakota rule for rule, whereas it
does not.  


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Tue Mar  9 20:33:18 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:33:18 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.143318.0600.CST.>

> That's the pattern in OP (aNmaN'dhiN), though in Dakotan uN is infixed. 
> In OP both maN=...dhiN 'walk' and maN=...dhaN 'steal' extrapose the
> inclusive, resulting in a pattern like the locative one (in Dakotan). 

Same in Kansa.

> In a purely infixing pattern OP insets not just 1st and 2nd, but also
> the inclusive, cf. mu=a'se, mu'=dhase, mu=aN'se 'I/you/we cut with a
> shot'.

Some may not recognize that mu- here is an "outer" instrumental.  So I
personally don't regard this as infixing in any sense.  For me a true
infix must come between two non-grammatical parts of the stem and
locatives and instrumentals wouldn't count.  They're just prefixes in the
usual prefix order.  The ma- of 'walk' and 'steal' isn't.

> 'Walk' and 'steal' are the only two verbs of non-locative origin in OP
> that behave like locative verbs, as far as I know. 

How about 'cough'?  I seem to recall other interesting verbs from my Kansa
and Quapaw materials, but I'll have to check more thoroughly.

> Mind you, locatives don't behave consistently like Dakotan locatives in
> OP, so sometimes the wa patient inclusive follows a locative (u), and
> sometimes the aN agent inclusive does (i).  Also, a and aN of various
> first person and inclusive person pronominal origins move to before any
> wa or we, etc., if the position they move from is not too deeply buried. 
> In general, they move out of a post-locative slot, but not out of a
> post-preverbal slot, e..g., not out of a causative.

Right.  Or a positional AUX.  What I was emphasizing in my previous post
was that the inclusive (u~-, u~k, etc.) ROUTINELY fails to occupy the same
prefixal slot as 1st and 2nd sg. in numerous Siouan languages.  Thus, in
studies of incorporation, where verbal prefixes occurring before an
incorporated element are important evidence, the inclusive verb forms make
an important contribution that the other pronominals sometimes can't. 

When I did a conference paper on the inclusive (and 1st pl.) in the Siouan
family several years back, I discovered much to my chagrin that many field
workers (including sometimes yours truly) hadn't bothered to elicit these
forms, thinking they could be predicted from the 1st or 2nd person form. 
As John correctly points out, they can't be.  

Bob


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Tue Mar  9 21:01:39 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:01:39 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.140139.0700.MST.>

On Tue, 9 Mar 1999, Robert L. Rankin wrote:
> How about 'cough'?  I seem to recall other interesting verbs from my Kansa
> and Quapaw materials, but I'll have to check more thoroughly.

Off the top of my head, I don't know how 'cough' and 'sneeze' are
inflected in Omaha-Ponca, but I will make a mental note to check my
fieldnotes.  In the 700 or so pages of the Dorsey texts nobody manages to
sneeze or cough.  I vaguely recall eliciting sneeze (hec^hiN, I think),
but I don't recall whether I was smart enough to get in fully inflected.
As Bob said, you really need all "four" persons with a Siouan verb to be
completely sure of it.  

> Right.  Or a positional AUX.  

Verbs inflected entirely with the aid of a positional auxiliary are fairly
rare in OP, in contrast with more southerly Dhegiha, so I overlooked this
possibility!  Actually, I think I just saw my first one the other day
while looking at 'suffer' for Bob.  


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Tue Mar  9 21:51:20 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:51:20 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.145120.0700.MST.>

> > In a purely infixing pattern OP insets not just 1st and 2nd, but also
> > the inclusive, cf. mu=a'se, mu'=dhase, mu=aN'se 'I/you/we cut with a
> > shot'.
> 
> Some may not recognize that mu- here is an "outer" instrumental.  So I
> personally don't regard this as infixing in any sense.  For me a true
> infix must come between two non-grammatical parts of the stem and
> locatives and instrumentals wouldn't count.  They're just prefixes in the
> usual prefix order.  The ma- of 'walk' and 'steal' isn't.

I apologize for the terminology.  It's true that I know of no "infixing" 
stem that inserts the affix into a morpheme in OP (or other Siouan).  It's
always within a stem, but between morphemes.  I've been referring to stems
of the form [all pronominals]-stem as prefixing and stems of the form
stem_part_1-[all pronominals]-stem_part_2 as infixing, in talking to
myself, but this is just a expedient, and I'd be willing to consider
something purer if it's equally convenient.  Come to think of it, I
sometimes call these simple and preverb stems, but preverb could be
understood to include locatives (see below). 

There's a third class of stems, of course, that has the form [inclusive
pronominals]-stem_part_1-[other pronominals]-stem_part_2.  At least this
pattern holds pretty well in Dakotan.  The stem_part_1 is generally a
locative, and I call these locative stems, even when stem_part_1 is really
the maN of maN=...dhiN 'walk' or maN=...dhaN 'steal'.  This terminology is
clearly also somewhat bastardized.  

Of course, the relative order of inclusive > {1, 2} is retained in all
three classes and in terms of slots there's always an inclusive slot
preceding the slot for first and second persons.  This conception has to
be modified to account for various exceptional behaviors, like extraction
of the a and aN first persons, etc.

There's also a compound pattern of the form [inclusive pronominal]-[first
and second pronominals]-stem_part_1-[first and second person
pronominals]-stem_part_2.  That is, there are two independently inflected
parts of the stem, but only the first of these takes an inclusive
pronominals.  The standard OP example is gaN=dha 'to want', which is
kkaN=bdha, s^kaN=s^na, aNgaN=dha for 'I/you/we want'. 

To take this a little bit further now, in my work with OP I've come to the
conclusion that prefixing and infixing stems are really more or less the
same thing, except that the latter have a chunk of invariant preverbal
stuff that sits in front of a component "main" stem that obeys all the
prefixing rules.  In short the preverb is certainly an incorporand in at
least an abstract sense, The compounds stems are also just basically two
component prefixing stems in a row, except for only taking the inclusive
with the first.  

If you don't allow for this hierarchical structuring of components in
handling the infixing (or preverb) and compound stems you can quickly tie
yourself in knots.  In this respect I think that Siouan languages differ
from languages like Quechua or Turkish.  It's impossible to define simple
linear position class descriptions of the verbs.  Maybe I'm just ingorant
of Quechua and Turkish, of course!

This is particularly evident when one considers what happens when infixing
stems are subjected to further derivation.  In OP, anyway, for the most
part the preverb and main stem collapse into a single prefixed stem.  So
when kki-, the reflexive, is added to a verb in mu=..., the kki goes
before the mu= (usually), and the pronominals "now" forget about the slot
after mu=... and congregate in front of the kki-.  So you'd get akkimase,
dhakkimase, aNkkimase for 'I/you/we cut myself', not ma=akkise, etc., or
some other intermediate possibility.  Similar things happen when locative
are added to stems with outer instrumentals or other preverbs.  There is
some variation in applying the rules. 

I think that examples like these show that stem structures in OP are
hierarchical, and only the outermost layer or two of derivation are
relevant to pronominalization, which is controlled by the morphosyntactic
stem classes defined by the morphemes in these outermost layers, not by
rules in terms of mingled series of derivational and pronominal morphemes.
Thus, a standard Siouan grammar's rule like outer_instrumental > inclusive
> locative > first/second > dative > inner_instrumental > root isn't
really satisfactory.  Of course, such a rule works fairly well for the
simple component locative and prefixing stems, so chop off the outer
instrumental and rewrite the dative + inner instrumental + root sequence
as stem and you are back in business. 

I sincerely apologize to Bob for building this on the accidentally
tendered straw man of his comment about outer instrumentals preceding
pronominals.  He wasn't, of course, setting out to argue for a strict
system of positional classes at all.  I think he only meant to observe
(correctly) that the order of instrumentals and pronominals is
morphologically determined and intermorphemic, and not based on some sort
of phonological template, contrary to what my entirely sloppy use of the
term infixing might suggest.


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Tue Mar  9 23:55:25 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 17:55:25 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.175525.0600.CST.>

John Koontz writes:
> Off the top of my head, I don't know how 'cough' and 'sneeze' are
> inflected in Omaha-Ponca, but I will make a mental note to check my
> fieldnotes. 

Might be interesting to see what you and/or Dorsey have for Omaha proper.

Kathy Shea, in Ponca, got hu-a-xpe, hu-dha-xpe, hu-a~-xpai with all three
infixed.  Also hechi 'sneeze' was he-a-chi, he-dha-chi, he-a~-chi, again
with all three persons infixed.

So 'sneeze' is another incorporation, but here I can't identify the
element he-.  I'm still assuming that ho/hu in 'cough' is indeed 'voice'.  

I'll keep looking.

Bob


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Wed Mar 10 00:38:08 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 18:38:08 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.183808.0600.CST.>

> To take this a little bit further now, in my work with OP I've come to
> the conclusion that prefixing and infixing stems are really more or less
> the same thing, except that the latter have a chunk of invariant
> preverbal stuff that sits in front of a component "main" stem ....

Well, yeah, but to us historians that "chunk" is the really fascinating
part, because such exceptions often clue us in to processes that were
productive hundreds, even thousands, of years ago that have now just left
this bothersome residue.  :)  As Meillet said, we reconstruct on the basis
of the exceptions, not the rule....

> If you don't allow for this hierarchical structuring of components in
> handling the infixing (or preverb) and compound stems you can quickly
> tie yourself in knots.  In this respect I think that Siouan languages
> differ from languages like Quechua or Turkish.  It's impossible to
> define simple linear position class descriptions of the verbs.  

This is typical of what you find in languages in which there is a mix of
inflectional and derivational affixes in the "template" (such as it is). 
Normally a series of inflectional affixes will be pretty linear.  I won't
say there are NO exceptions, but I think they'd be few (Turkish -ler/lar
'pl.' floats a little for example). The problem is that derivation can
take place at any point in history and is often, if not usually, different
for each lexeme.  Thus it will normally be the derivational affixes that
will screw up your nice templates, and, as John's nice examples show
vividly, that's certainly true in Siouan (esp. locatives and
instrumentals).  Then there are periodic "regularizations"  (analogical,
not phonological, in nature)  that may affect virtually all affixes and
further bolix up our neat analyses.  This is a historians perspective, of
course.  Synchronists account for these with more and more compartments
(or other exception features)  for the oddball derivations.  Life wouldn't
be fun without this stuff.

And on incorporation and infixing verbs, Kathy Shea was kind enough to
check some stative verbs for me in Ponca and includes both 'cough' and
'sneeze'.  Both have active conjugations: 

huxpe		cough
hu-a-xpe	I cough
hu-dha-xpe	you cough
hu-a~-xpe	we2 cough

hechi		sneeze
he-a-chi	I "
he-dha-chi	you "
he-a~-chi	we2 "

hu, I assume, is probably 'voice', which occurs in several compounds.
he, I simply can't identify.

Bob


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Mon Mar 22 01:34:39 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Sun, 21 Mar 1999 18:34:39 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Experiencer Statives in Omaha-Ponca
Message-ID: <SUN.21.MAR.1999.183439.0700.MST.>

It took a little longer to get this together than I expected.  

Omaha-Ponca Non-Adjectival Statives

The verbs below were selected by analogy with the forms Bob Rankin had
collected for Kansa and Quapaw.  They are cases were a subject that seems
to be active or an experiencer takes a patient pronominal.  I've arranged
them alphabetically by the English gloss to facilitate comparisons. 
Unspecified references are to the Dorsey texts.  MS91 represents the 1991
printing/edition of Mark Swetland's UmoNhoN Iye of Elizabeth Stabler. 

Non-Adjectival Statives

'ache, be hurt'   

    NB:  Note nominal subjects or themes.  

    nie 'ache' (stative)

      niN'gha aNni'e 'my stomach aches me' 133.13

    ginie 'ache for one' (stative + dative)

      niN'gha iN'nie '(my) stomach aches for me' 133.14

      NB: This is not suus, because that has the form a-gi-(g)-, not iN,
      which is aN + (g)i, the P1s form of the dative.  

    ni=...dhe 'to hurt one' (stative + causative ?)

      si' ni=aN'dhe 'my foot hurts me' 296.4

    giniedhe 'one's own to be hurt' (stative, dative, causative?)

      kkaN'dehi=daN=shte iNdhiNniedhe 'my relations be perhaps hurt 
        by a plum tree' 560.9/10

      NB:  The dhe here (and hence above) is probably NOT causative, since
      there is a suus form of the causative:  gidhe.

    nie gaghe 'get hurt' MS91:98 (presumably active)

    naN'k(k)a 'to hurt' MS91:98  (inflectional pattern unknown)

'arise, get up'

  cf. ppaha(N) ihe=dhe 'display, i.e., upright/standing to lay'

  I can't locate this at the moment, but I would swear that somewhere 
  I've seen Dorsey say this verb is inflected ppahaN, s^pahaN, ppahaN,
  which is rather a singular pattern.  ppa, s^pa, ba would be regular,
  or appa, dhappa, ppa.  

'convalesce, improve'

  ???

'grant wish'

  ???

'bend down, stoop, bow head'

  bamaNgdhe ~ ppa maNxe (maNgdhe??) 'bow, bent over' MS91:23
    I think these are 'bend by pushing' (active) and 'head bent' (???).
    cf. hi maNgdhe 'cane', wakkaN ppa maNgdhe 'checkers, gamble with
    bent heads' MS91:33,37  Hence these are probably not relevant.

'have a characteristic'

  ???

'have chills, ...' 

  ???

  No examples of 'shiver', either.

Add:  'be cold'

  sniN'=...tte 'be cold' (stative)

    sniN=aN't(t)e 'I am chilly' 316.7 (Dorsey writes t-apostrophe, i.e., an
      explicit sign of aspiration, which in his usage generally means it's tt!
      I have elicited this and I'm pretty sure it's tte.  
    sniN'=dhitte 'you are cold' 

'have cramp'

  dhikku 'have cramp, convulsions' MS91:276 (Uninflected, but probably active.)

'get dizzy' 

  naNxe (naNghe?) ska=zhi 'get dizzy' MS91:61  (Inflection unknown)

    Perhaps 'ears not clear', cf. naNxide 'inner ears'.

    cf. naNxi'de aNska'=xti 'I have excellent hearing' 630.9

'fall' ...

  Notice the nominal subjects/themes.  

  uxpadhe=...dhe 'to lose' (active)
  u...gixpadhe 'to lose one's' (stative, dative)

    s^aNge iNwiN'xpadhe=de 'when (surprisingly) I lost a horse' 647.2
    udhi'xpadha=z^i=tta=the 'you shall not lose it'  18.5

    NB: The latter is possible u..xpadhe 'to lose' (stative only)

  ui'xpadhe 'to lose one's own'

    wiN=e'=s^te=waN s^uN'gaz^iNga uixpadha=b=az^i 'even one child they
      did not lose' 1891:92.1

  u...xpadhe 'to fall' (stative?)

    niN=khe=di uxpadha=bi=egaN '(he) having fallen into the water' 227.19

'have fever'       

  zhu na=kkade MS91:76 

    NB: Literally 'flesh be hot'; should inflect as stative due to na=...

add:  'have none'

  NB:  Notice subject or theme noun.

  dhiNge' 

    maN'ze=s^te aNdhiNge he 'I have no (piece of) iron at all'  107.12
    naNghi'de dhidhiN'ge 'you have no inner ear' (= 'you are disobedient') 17.8
    wanaNghi dhidhiNge=tta=i=the 'you shall lack a spirit' 18.8
    niN'e dhidhiNge=xti 'you had no pain at all' 587.6
    s^iN'gaz^iNga=s^tewaN wadhInga=i=daN=s^te 'child we had none at all' 219.12



'forget', 'remember'

  naNbdhiN 'forget, not understand' (active)  ??? cf. 'perspire'

    anaN'bdhiN 'I forgot (I do not understand)' 774.5

  gisidhe 'remember' (active)

  sidha=zhi 'forget' (active?)

    sidha=b=azhi 'they had forgotten' 779.1

'have, possess'

  t(t)aN 'have, be, (be) abundant at a place, exist' 
    given by Dorsey as t?aN and thaN (once) (active)

    we'dhihide attaN' e=the'=gaN 'I am apt to have tools'  10.8
    udhi'kka dhattaN '(one) to help you you have'  1891:110.15

add:  'hear well'

    Notice nominal subject or theme.  

    naNxi'de ...ska 'stative'

      naNxi'de aNska'=xti 'I have excellent hearing' 630.9

'itch'

  kki'e 'to itch' MS91:104 (inflection unknown)

  Notice the nominal subjects/themes.

  dha?i?idhe (stative)

    izhaN'ghe aN'dha?i?idha 'my anus itches me' 314.1
    tta=staNde=dhaN=di dha?i?idha 'it itched him in the flank' 576.1

'lie, tell lies'  

  i'usishtaN 'to tell lies' (active)

    cf. i' 'mouth'?, but idh => i..., the locative.  

    idha'usishtaN 'I told a lie' 63.4

'pant'

  niN=ugoNdha  'gasp' MS91:84 (inflection unknown)

    NB:  Looks like it might be 'desire of water'.

'recover' 

  giniN 'be well, OK; heal; the cure' (stative)

    aNgi'niN 'I recover' 663.2
    wagi'niN aNgadha=... 'we recovered (progressive?)' 689.5
    aNgi'niN e=the'=gaN 'we are apt to recover (sic)' 671.5

  i'giniN 'to recover by means of sthg.'

    i'giniN=ama 'he recovered by it'  36.16

  giniN=...khidhe 'to cause to recover'

'share'

  udhuxdhega?, iwaxdhega?? 'to fall to one as a share' (stative)

  cf. aNdhaNwa(N?)xdhega 'it fell to me as my share' 227.17

'suffer'

  agdha 'to go home; to leave' (this is a homophonous stem, actually agdhe) 
        MS91:207
        'to offend; to aggravate; to abhor'  MS91:207
        'to accuse of; to blame; to complain'  MS91:207

  uwagdha thaN 'to suffer'  (thaN 'the standing') (requires positional)

    uwagdha=xti=aN aNgathaN 'we were suffering a lot'  145.1

  u?agdha dhiN 'to suffer'  (dhiN 'to be')  (JOD u?a ~ uwa might not be 
    reliable!)

    u?agdha aNdhiN' ha 'we are suffering' 502.9

    NB:  This is not dhiN 'the moving', which has aNgadhiN for agent inclusive 
    form.

  agdha dhiN 'be suffering'

    agdha=xti aN'dhiN 'we are suffering greatly'  37.10

    Note following form.  Error in person here?

  agdha a...dhiN 'to keep in a condition of suffering'

    agdha=xti, nisi'=ha, aN'dhiN 'suffering much, child, he keeps me' 45.9

    NB aN'dhiN = *a-aN-dhiN (regular development in a- locatives)

  a...gdha=zhi 'not to suffer' 

    a?a'gdha=maNzhi 'I do not suffer' 752.15 (? surprises me)

    NB: not sure of inflectional pattern, looks active, presumably
    infixing.  The ? is JOD's, but probably reflects his detection of the
    length plus falling pitch that marks a-a- LOC + A1s sequences in
    modern Omaha. 

  agdhe=...dhe 'make suffer' (active, causative)

    agdhe=aNdhadhe 'you made me suffer' 38.17

  udhugdhe 'suffer on account of' (stative)
                  
    aNdhaNwaNgdha ha 'I suffer on account of it'  480.9

  i'...sabe 'suffer' (stative)

    aNdhaNsabe i'nahiN 'I truly suffered' 196.11
    i'dhisabe=xti 'you suffered exceedingly' 181.3
    we'asabe=xti 'we suffered a lot' 197.4 (wa-i-a- with wa-a- as patient
      form) 

  i'...gisabe   'ones relations suffer' (stative, dative)

    iNdhiNsabe=xti 'my relations suffering very much' 180.16

  dhizhu=azhi   'make one suffer' (looks active, probably not relevant here)

    aNdhizhu=azhi 'he has made me suffer' 550.6

'squint, wilt, shrivel up' 

  iNshta xaNxaN 'to squint' MS91:163  Inflection unknown.  

    NB: xaNxaN should perhaps be stative because xaN 'to break' would be.
    The xaN stem would normally be used with instrumentals.  

'sweat, perspire'  

  unabdhiN 'perspire' MS91:136 (una'bdhi 153.6)

    NB: could inflect as stative due to na=..., albeit u... has been added,
    and it's not clear to me where that leaves us!  Anyway, this is stative.

    aNwaNnabdhiN 'I perspired' 153.2
    udhi'nabdhiN 'you p.' 153.8

'swell'

  i'ba MS91:167  Also in JOD, but no inflected examples.  

Add:  'teeth chatter'

  hi'=...saNsaNde=...aN 'one's teeth chatter, are set on edge'

    hi=aN'saNsaNde=maN 'my teeth shake' (in reaction to eating something,
      perhaps astringent) 
    
'tumble one'

  ugat(t)aNt(t)aNdha 'to tumble' MS91:177 (not clear if sense applies, or what
    the inflectional pattern is)
  
  kkinaNza (kkinaNsa?) 'stumble' (apparently a reflexive) MS 91:166


Dorsey ms:67-8 (the grammar) lists the following impersonals:  "Adjective
verbs and some neuter verbs appear to be used impersonally and are varied
by means of the same pronouns; as u-daN > udaN=iN 'he is good'; dhi-udaN
('thee-good') 'thou art good', etc . 

"These verbs are included in the Sixth Conjugation ..."  (Dorsey's statives)

u...dhixaga 'be chapped':  aNwaNdhixaga, udhi'dhizaga, u'dhixaga=i,
  uwadhixaga=i

e=...kkigaN 'to be like one':  e=aNkkigaN, e=dhikkigaN, e=kkigaN=i,
  e=awakkigaN=iN 'I am like him', etc.

e=...gaN 'to be so':  e=aNgaN, e=dhigaN, e=gaN=iN, e=awagaN=iN
  'I am so', etc.

However, I have also seen the last as e=gimaN, egiz^aN, etc., in Dorsey.

Dorsey ms:68 also lists as "Impersonal verbs" "used only in the third
person singular" 

naz^iN' 'it rains'
ma'dhe 'it snows'
masi 'it hails'
dhiaNba=i 'it lightens'
xaN 'it is proper'

The first four of these are not quite the same thing as what we are
looking for. 

Dorsey also lists among his first kind of impersonal the example:

wakhege [sic, for wakhega]:  aNwaNkhega 'I am sick', wadhikhega,
  wakhega=i, wawakhega=i 'I am sick', etc.

This represents a smallish class of wa-initial statives, here from Dorsey
and the "Ponca" ms. that is probably the work of Frida Hahn. 

wakhega 'be sick'
was^us^e 'be brave, be generous'
wasi'sige 'be active'
wasniNd(e?) 'to delay, be tardy'  (wadhisniNda=i 'ypu delayed' 419.7)
wahe'ha 'be stouthearted'
waxpa'dhiN 'to be poor'
wase'k(k)aN 'to be fast' 

Similar examples from Osage (see LaFlesche) are:

wapiN' 'to bleed'
wakkaN'didhe 'to be in distress'
was^o's^e 'be courageous'
watto'ke 'be active, alert'
waxpa'dhiN 'be exhausted'

I suspect that this list of wa-statives is not exhaustive.  

Noting that in these verbs the wa is quite analogous to the nominal
subjects or theme arguments seen with verbs like 'ache, be hurt',
'fall/lose', 'get dizzy', 'have fever', 'itch', 'hear well', 'have the
teeth chatter', etc., I would be inclined to see them as quite comparable
to the general class of experiencer statives.  However, note that I am not
aware of any of these stems occurring without wa, and so we have to see wa
here as a fixed element of the stem morphology.  It can't be replaced by a
noun or simply deleted. 

Verbs of the experiencer sort reported as statives in the Frida Hahn
ms:55, ...: 

saNsaN' 'to be nervous'
dhiNge' 'to have none' (above)
p(p)ai' 'to be clever, sharp'
niye' 'to be sore, hurt' (above)
s^ti'de 'be warm' ??? (depending on whether it is 'one feels warm' or 'be warm'
da'dhiN 'be drunk'
baski'dhe 'be angry, out of temper' (in form a ba-instrumental)
mu'=...s^tide 'to be warm (from inside, by alcohol, etc.)'
na'=...s^tide 'be warm (by heat)'
e'=...dhaNbe 'to come in sight'

In a number of these cases whether or not the sense is proper to an
experiencer interpretation depends on whether the sense is experiential or
objective (based on external attributes). 

A few words in summation.  It appears that there is no real marking of
subjectivity via use of agentive/proximate articles like akha, ama.  In
fact, quite the contrary:  at least one form uses thaN as an auxiliary. 
However, it is clear from the repeated use of additional nominal arguments
and perhaps of wa prefixes that the argument that governs stative
agreement is in many cases not the only argument, which in itself makes
these a rather special class of stative. 

A few formatives appear frequently:  i-, u-, udhu- (< *i-u-), na=...  The
last have been treated historically as cases of an instrumental that
simply requires stative inflection for some arbitrary reason, though
clearly it has been obvious to all concerned that the agents involved are
inanimate, for the most part, and that this was what determined the
behavior.  The occasional examples of ba- and mu= instrumentals that have
turned up in Bob's work and now Hahn's, should be ample evidence that
"impersonal"  statives are not restricted to na=.  That makes me wonder
about cases where ga- indicates action by wind or current. 

Possible examples (form LaFlesche's Osage Dictionary):

kaski'ke 'tedious, wearisome, lassitude, fatigue, be weary, exhausted, die
  of exhaustion'

kata'xe 'to drench, to saturate, to soak through' ()actually used
  passively) 

I believe there are other examples with locative prefixes.  


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Thu Mar 25 15:03:45 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Thu, 25 Mar 1999 08:03:45 -0700 (MST)
Subject: statives with Instr. and Loc. affixes in Dakotan. (fwd)
Message-ID: <THU.25.MAR.1999.080345.0700.MST.JOHN.KOONTZ@COLORADO.EDU>

Here's a long one from Constantine Xmelnitsky!  
Email address:  mosind at yahoo.com

Dear John Koontz:

I try to find the answers (at least for me) to your
questions about the existence of impersonal stative
verbs with ka- instrumental affix and with locatives.
Also I cite below the Rigg's and Boas' perception of
stative verbs as impersonal.

--- Koontz John E <John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU> wrote:
 "The occasional examples of ba- and mu= instrumentals
that have turned up in Bob's work and now Hahn's,
should be ample evidence that "impersonal"  statives
are not restricted to na=.  That makes me wonder about
cases where ga- indicates action by wind or current." 
---------------------------------------
   I looked it up in the Buechel's Lakota-English
Dictionary, 1970 and found several examples of the
"stativization" of active verbs when the
agent is a wind / wagon moving / horseback (ka-
instrumental). As Buechel uses freely "v.n." label for
active verbs I selected a sample of verbs where
the stativeness is expressed more or less explicitly --
with A1 wa- and S1 (P1?) ma- affixes. 

Two words about the topic:

1.  The possibility of regarding the stative verbs as
impersonal ones was pointed out by Riggs, 1853, and
Boas & Deloria, 1941:

   Riggs, Dakota Grammar, 19.2.b (p.11): 
"They [objective pronouns] are also used with neuter
verbs and adjectives; as, yazaN, to be sick, mayazaN, I
am sick; was^te, good, mawas^te, I am good. The English
idiom requires that we should here render these
pronouns by the nominative case, although it would seem
that in the mind of Dakotas, the verb or adjective is
used IMPERSONALLY, and governs the pronoun in the
objective".

   B&D, Dakota Grammar, p.2: "As in many American
languages the object of the transitive verb coincides
with the subject of the neutral verb. In Dakota this
may perhaps be so understood that the state is
expressed in reference to the personal pronoun "being
strong is in reference to me"; i.e., "I am strong".

   Boas & Deloria ("Dakota Grammar", 1941) discuss
impersonal verbs with instrumental prefixes in a
separate paragraph 46, pp.47-8: "Verbs with
instrumental prefixes are often used in such a way that
an indefinite actor is understood, for instance 
   -swa to be unraveled; 
      kaswa' to unravel by striking but also: (long
use) made it unravelled, 
      i.e., it is ragged. 
   (-)suta' to be hard; 
      (ma)ka'suta he made (me) hard (callous) by
strkining, but also: 
      (circumstances) have hardened me.
Some of these verbs never appear with active pronouns,
for instance
   -ks^ec^a to be cramped by spasms;
      (ma)yu'ks^ec^a (I) am bent by cramps (cramps bend
me).
The implied subject is always of a most general
character and the forms correspond to our IMPERSONAL
verbs."
[The rest of a paragraph will be listed below]

2. The velar palatalization after S2 affix ni- is
normally prohibited in the stative verbs in Dakotan
(kha'tA "hot"; nikha'tA, S2-hot). 
However /k/ in ka- affix seems to be palatalized after
S2 ni-:
Buechel explicitly states palatalized forms for
kaki'z^A, to suffer (nic^a'kiz^A), and kas^?iN', to be
bent toward the inside (nic^a's^?iN), so we could
generalize that ka- > c^a- shift is universal in this
set of verbs.

3. Can we suppose that there is an analogy between
"passive" construction like
  ma-?o'=pi (P1-hit pl.), "I'm wounded", where the
agent is insubstantial/unknown and our examples, where
the agent is inanimate (wind/wagon) or dummy ("it") and
cannot be marked with plural enclitic =pi ?
Maybe there was a gradual lexicalization of the
"stativizing" verbs listed below as Buechel shows the
possible stages:
   i. c^(h)aNpa'gmiyaN ma-ka'-xwa (wagon
P1-by_strike-be_sleepy) "wagon shakes me to sleep",
"I'm sleepy from shaking in a wagon" p.276.
    (Though what about the ban on inanimate actors
except natural forces?)
   ii. [thate' ma-ka'c^ekc^eke (wind P1-stagger)] ->
       thate' was^?a'ke=lo oN ma-ka'c^ekc^eke=lo (wind
strong because-of S1-be_staggering) p.271.
   iii. ma-ka'huNhuNza (S1-be_wagon-shaken) p.274.
--------------------------------------------------
Now the verbs from Buechel, 1970:

p.270-1
   kac^aN', v.a. To shake, clear by shaking, to sift.
Wakac^aN.
      -- v.n. To shiver. O'blula wanic^e c^(h)a
uNka'c^aNpi kte lo.(There's no roof/waterproof so we'll
shiver) [also na(ma-)c^aNc^aN, to shiver, tremble,
p.342]

p.271
?  kac^aN'c^aN, v.n. To trot, as a horse. --v.a. red.
To clean by shaking,as in sifting; to shake.
Waka'c^aNc^aN.

p.271
   kac^e'kA, v.a. To strike and make stagger.
Waka'c^eka.
   kac^e'kc^ekA, v.t. and v.i.red. To stagger.
Maka'c^ekc^eka.
      Thate was^?akelo oN makac^ekc^ekelo. Bl. (on
account of wind...)
      MahuNkes^ni c^(h)a makac^ekc^eke. D.114 (I'm
sickly so...)

p.272
   kagle'pa, v.a. To make one vomit by striking on the
back, as one in whose throat smth got stuck.
      -- v.n. To vomit on account of dizziness caused
by rapid circular motions. Makaglepa.

p.274
   kahuN'huNza, 1) v.a. To shake, make shake by
striking, as a tree, or as the wind does trees.
Waka'huNhuNza.
      2) v.n. To be shaken as on a wagon, rocking chair
etc. Maka'huNhuNza.
p.290
   kas^kaN's^kaN, v.n. To be shaking, being shaken up,
as when sitting on a 
      heavy wagon, i.e. bumping/hitting.
Maka's^kaNs^kaN. Same as kahuNhuNza.
   [also, p.358: nas^kaN's^kaN, v.n. To be shaking,
trembling, as on an automobile when the enginge starts.
ka-... = slow bumping, na-... =rapid motion]

p.280
   kaki'z^a, v.n. To suffer, be afflicted. Makakiz^a,
nic^akiz^a.

Note that there is a velar palatalization after P2
affix, specific to active verbs. There's no active
counterpart for kakiz^A, save kaz^a (wa-kaz^a), 
"to split a little, to make gape" (p.278).

p.282
   kalo'c^(h)iN, v.n. To be hungry from being shaken
up, as from having ridden on a wagon or on a horseback.
Maka'loc^(h)iN. 
[Cf. loc^hiN', lowa'c^hiN, v.a. want food, be hungry]

p.288
   kapu'za, 1) v.a. To make smth dry by shaking it in
the wind. Waka'puza.
      2) v.n. To become dry by being shaken by the
wind, as wash. BigTurkey used this word also for voting
"dry" for the state of S.D.

   kasaN', 1) v.n. To turn white, as paint does from
rain.
      2) v.a. To whiten by scraping. Waka'saN.
   kaska', v.a. To bleach by striking/dragging.
Waka'ska.
      -- v.n. To become clear, to clear off, as clouds,
smoke etc.

p.292
   kas^tu's^ta, v.n. To be tired from riding.
Makas^tus^ta. Bl.
Cf. p.468: s^tus^ta, "adj." Soft, as the flesh of
animals when hard chased, wanting flavor.

   kas^?iN', v.n. To bend backwards, to be bent toward
the inside (concave), like the back of a sway-back
horse, or a pug nose. Makas^?iN.
      Nic^as^?iN.

p.295
   kauN'ka, v.a. To cut down, fell e.g. tress; to
strike down e.g. persons; to blow down, as the wind
does trees. WakauNka.
   -- kauN'kaka, v.n. To jolted / bounced up and down,
as in a wagon. kauNkaka ye-ma-ya.
   kawaN'kaka [? waNka up], v.n. same as kauNkaka.
KawaNkaka i-ma-yaye.

   kawa's^?aka, v.n. (of was^?aka [wa-ma-s^?akA],
strong). To be made strong by packing / carrying loads.
Makawas^?aka.

   kawa'tuk(h)a, v.n. [wa(-ma-)tukha, (I'm) tired] To
be tired from long riding on a wagon / on a horseback,
by reason of shaking (ka-).
      S^uNkakaN yaNkapi / c^(h)aNpagmiyaNpi  
makawatuk(h)a.

p.296
   kazaN', 1) v.a. To hurt, to make feel pain by
striking; to render motionless. WakazaN. HiNyete
kazaNpi, Bruised shoulders.
         2) v.n. To fill up, have the sense of
fullness. ... 
      C^(h)aNte (ma)kazaN, To heart burn.
  
Note also the Buechel's  examples:
kagmigma, (make) roll; kaxmuN (cause to) make noise;
c^(h)aNpagmiyaN makaxwa (I'm sleepy from shaking in a
wagon)
thate c^ha wowapi kaxwokelo (the book was carried away
by the wind)

I couldn't find explicit "v.a./v.n." entry for pa-
instrumental derivatives
at Buechel's.
---------------------------------------------------

Paragraph 46 of Boas & Deloria "Dakota Grammar",
pp.47-8:

..2. Most of the verbs that appear both in active and
impersonal forms have the prefix ka- whis expresses in
these cases an indeterminate outer force.
   is^tiN'ma to be asleep, 
      (ma)ka'is^tiNme  he puts me to sleep; I have
fallen asleep;
   xaN  it is a sore; 
      (ma)ka'xaN  (I) have a sore (from working with a
tool);
      (ma)yu'xaN  (I) have a sore (as from rubbing of a
strap; also
      (wa)ka'xaN  (I) cause it to be sore by striking;
   hiNta to be swept clear, 
      wana' kahiN'ta  he has now swept it, (the clouds)
have been swept away;
   homni to turn on an arc,
      (ma)ka'homni  he turned (me) around; (I) have
changed;
   c^haNte't?iNza  to be stout hearted (c^haNte' heart,
t?iN'za stiff),
      c^haNte'(ma)ka't?iNza  he makes (me) fearless; (I
am) fearless;
   t?a  to be dead,
      (ma)ka't?a  he killed (me) by striking; (I) was
stunned;
   s^pu  to unfasten,
      kas^pu'  he knocked it loose, it became loose;
   c^he'ya  to cry,
      (ma)ka'c^heya he made (me) cry by striking, (I
am) crying (on account of cold, etc.)

Also with ka-:
   kauN'spe    to be world-wise (time has taught);
   kahuN'      to have a gash;
   kahuN'huNza to be shaken up, he swings it to and
fro;
   kabla'za    to be ripped;
   ic^a'thaN   to be in touch;
   kathe'pa    to be worn down;
   kasu'ta     to be hardened;
   kaswa'      to ragged at the edge;
   kaslu'ta    the tongue lolls;
   kasna'      (leaves) drop off;
   oma'kasni  I feel a cold draft;
   oka's^kaN  to be forced to move;
   pha'we kas^u'z^a  his nose bleeds;
   phehiN' kaz^uN'  hair falls out;
   phehiN' kala'la  hair dangles all over (kala' to
spill dry materials);
   kac^ekc^eka  to stagger;
   kaksa'  to be cut off;
   kaks^i'ks^iz^a  to be collapsed, bent in all
directions (ks^iz^a  to be bent at a joint);
   kakhu'kha   to be worn out;
   kag^aN'     to be unkempt;
   kag^aN'     it opens;
   kaxwa'      to be sleepy after a long ride;
   kaxi'c^a    to be aroused out of sleep;
   kaxle'c^a   to have a cut in the scalp;
   kaxli'      to be mired (xli  to touch slimy
material);
   kaxc^i'     it is torn off

wo-  is used often in resultative forms when moving
water is understood as actor:
   woz^a'z^a  to get clean (in a river, by rain);
   iwo'phaNyaN  (adv.) grass is beaten down by rain,
hail 
   (ika'phaNyaN by wind)

 In other cases it is rather action from a distance:
   woi'tomni  he gets dizzy by being bumped about;
      (kai'tomni he gets dizzy by being turned);
   iwo'to  to bump oneself;
   woxta'ka  to be bumped into (ic^a'xtak-phic^as^ni 
to be touchy)

pa- is used rarely expressing a resultative:
   pawiN'z^a  to be bent by pushing;
   ipa'sli  to be squeezed against by pushing;
   paglo'ka  it is dislocated (a joint)

yu-:
   iyu'titaN  it fits tightly (-titaN  to exert force
on);
   yus^iN's^iN  to be wrinkled;
   yus^ki'  to be wrinkled, gathered in folds;
   yugmu'za  to be shrivelled up (skin in old age),
active only as adverb;
   yux?i'  it is warty, irregularly rough;
   yuxa'xa  to be curly (kaxa' iya'ya  it gets
knotted);" (end of citation)
-----------------------------------------------------

<J.Koontz: I believe there are other examples with
locative prefixes.  

There is an interesting construction in Dakotan,
formally a stative verb:
a- Loc."on" + X, where X=noun/verb, meaning that 
1. X acts on smb/ smb undergoes X
2. the surface of patient undergoes the proccess X
The paradigm of such verbs is usual:

I...     ama'-X       We... uNka'-X pi
I&thou... uNka'-X
Thou...  ani'-X       Ye...  ani'-X pi
He...    a-X          They.. a-X pi

1. X acts on smb.:

   a-ma'-wetu, a-ma'-bloketu, a-ma'-waniyetu, I have
reached spring-/summer-/winter-time.
   a-ma'-yaNpa, I spent a sleepless night and was found
sleepless by the dawn (aN'pa  be dawn);
   a-ma'-wiyaya, I didn't return home before night
(wi'iyaya sunset);

2. the surface of patient undergoes the process X:

   a-ma'-c^hu, it dews on me (c^hu dew);
   a-ma'-c^hag^a, I'm covered with ice (c^ha'g^a ice);
   oN's^tiNmapihiN ac^hax'-ma-su(su), little ice drops
formed on my eyelids;
   a-ma'-haNzi, I'm overshadowed (ohaN'zi shadow);
   a-ma'-mag^az^u, It rains on me (mag^a'z^u rain);
   a-ma'xpiya, it's clouded (maxpi'ya cloud, heaven);
   a-o'-ma-z^aNz^an, it's light on me (oz^aN'z^aN
light); 
   a-ma'-xeyuNka, frost acts on me, I'm frosted;
   a-ma'-wa, I'm covered with snow (wa' snow);

There are two stative verbs with Loc-Dat- combination:

   a-(ma)-ki-sni, to recover from illness/anger
      (? sni', cool);
   a-(ma)-ki-x?aN, to be without food, starve
      (x?aN =?. x?aNyaN be near death / very tired;
       wic^(h)o'x(?)aNx(?)aN, illness, if recall it
right).


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Sat Mar 27 21:46:27 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Sat, 27 Mar 1999 14:46:27 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Reduplicated 'say'
Message-ID: <SAT.27.MAR.1999.144627.0700.MST.JOHN.KOONTZ@COLORADO.EDU>

Here's a tidbit that might interest anyone looking at reduplication.  

This week Bob Rankin pointed out to me that Buechel's dictionary lists a
Teton stem hey'aya (Buechel 1983:174a) 'to say much, to keep saying'. 
This a reduplication of heya' 'to say that or this' (same page).  The
inflectional pattern is hepha'pha, heha'ha, heya'ya, uNke'yaya=pi. More
simply (1983:146a), there is eya'ya 'to say often, to repeat' inflected
epha'pha, eha'ha, eya'ya, uNke'yayapi.  (Note that e with eya'ya (and
e'ya) functions as a locative, and takes uNk before it.)  There are
related forms eya'yalaka and heya'yalaka 'to tell lies', which have the
same inflectional pattern, but the inclusive pattern is heuN'yaypilaka.
The third person plural is given as heya'yapilaka or heya'yalakapi. The
inclusive form suggests that Buechel may be in error with his inclusive of
heya'ya, having substituted the form for eya'ya by mistake.

What's interesting here, of course, is that the reduplicated syllable
includes the irregular inflection in the first and second person.  

I have a nonce form for this for Omaha-Ponca from Dorsey, which is
es^e's^e 'you keep saying'.  The full inflection is not attested, but
should be (?) ehe'he, es^e's^e for the first and second persons.  The
third person is a=i without reduplication, so it's not clear what it would
be if reduplicated.  The Omaha-Ponca inclusive for the paradigm is
suppletive.  The unreduplicated form is aNdhaNdha=i, from idhe.

David Rood tells me that his instinctive feeling with these forms is that
they represent reduplication before inflection.  My initial instinct was
the reverse, but now I'm inclined to go with David's assessment, frankly. 
Either way it's interesting that the inflection gets repeated in the first
and second persons.  The failure to repeat in the inclusive person is
consistant with the behavior of serial verbs of this sort. 


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Sun Mar 28 00:35:04 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Sat, 27 Mar 1999 18:35:04 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Reduplicated 'say'
Message-ID: <SAT.27.MAR.1999.183504.0600.CST.>

On Sat, 27 Mar 1999, Koontz John E wrote:

> This week Bob Rankin pointed out to me that Buechel's dictionary lists a
> Teton stem hey'aya (Buechel 1983:174a) 'to say much, to keep saying'. 
> This a reduplication of heya' 'to say that or this' (same page).  The
> inflectional pattern is hepha'pha, heha'ha, heya'ya, uNke'yaya=pi. 
> What's interesting here, of course, is that the reduplicated syllable
> includes the irregular inflection in the first and second person. 

> David Rood tells me that his instinctive feeling with these forms is
> that they represent reduplication before inflection. Either way it's
> interesting that the inflection gets repeated in the first and second
> persons. 

This does pose an interesting ordering problem for morphology.  What's
happened historically I think is that the inflection has simply become
opaque to speakers, who now no longer recognize -p- as an allomorph of wa-
'1st person actor', i.e., the inflection has simply been lexicalized.  I
wonder if those few other archaic verbs do the same thing.  Either hi
'arrive' or ?u 'come'(or both) has a 1st sg. in p-, which, if
reduplicated, should produce *phVphV. 

Bob



From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Mon Mar  8 09:38:19 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 02:38:19 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Dhegiha Statives from Bob Rankin
Message-ID: <MON.8.MAR.1999.023819.0700.MST.JOHN.KOONTZ@COLORADO.EDU>

A forward with Bob Rankin's approval of some material he sent me off-list. 
I'll try to post some Omaha-Ponca correspondences that I've located in the
near future. Although Bob mentions wanting OP data specifically, of
course, behavior in other Siouan languages would also be interesting,
perhaps even more interesting, as the Dhegiha languages are pretty similar
except wrt various details.  I did find some interesting things.   

I'm grateful to Bob for allowing me to post this list, and I think it's
clear that considering the behavior of forms like this may very well lead
to some interesting new insights into Dhegiha grammar, and perhaps into
Siouan grammar generally, if such behavior is more widespread in the
family.  Bob's Biloxi examples are suggestive in that regard.  

This is certainly not the sort of thing that I've seen anywhere before,
modulo the discussion of Dakotan deponents in Rood & Taylor's Lakota
Sketch.  I recall the deponents as covering a somewhat different, though
overlapping, semantic range. 

From: "Robert L. Rankin" <rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu>
Subject: Re: Statives

I combed through my Kaw database pretty thoroughly and found a bunch more
"stative" verbs with active meanings ... I'll list them below.  The
biggest problem is that the vast majority are from lexical files and not
from texts. 

With the active meanings, it is semantically possible to interpret many
first/second person forms as impersonal 3rd person forms with only a first
or second person object, i.e., such obvious cases as a~-ne 'I ache' being
interpreted as actually being 'it hurts me'.  So I'm curious whether, in
the 1st or 2nd persons, these verbs ever show suffixed 3rd person
morphology like -(a)bi or -akha in Omaha or Ponca.  If a~-ne really is 'X
hurts me', then it seems to me we should expect the same suffixes that
occur with any other active, 3rd person form.

This argument doesn't hold with "real" semantically stative verbs like 'be
X' in Kansa or Quapaw.  Here you get a~-sceje 'I'm tall' or a~-sceje mikhe
'I'm tall (cont.)'.  Do you have evidence for the semantically active set
from Omaha?

First, I ran across one or two interesting Biloxi forms.  BI is very messy
and even after 20 years of messing with it, it's often hard to pick things
apart.  I wish Paula Einaudi had stayed in Linguistics and devoted her
life to BI.  If you check 'fall' in BI, you find that the pronouns can be
either (active) actors or (stative) experiencers.  (Recall that in Biloxi
ONLY the 2nd person really preserves the distinction.)

atoho    	'to fall on' (active conjugation)
nka-(a)toho  	'I fall on an object'
a-ya-toho  	'you fall on an object'

toho ~ taho 	'to fall down' (stative conjug.)
unk-toho  	'I fall'
i-toho    	'you fall' (this is the critical form)
toho		'he falls'

There are a couple of other interesting Biloxi usages.

hi-manki-yan	'you are (reclining?)'

This certainly seems to be the 'be lying' verb (Dak. wa~ka) but the second
person subject is stative rather than the expected active.  This is the
first time I've run across anything like this.  'You are (sitting)' seems
to be <i-nanki>, so maybe this is a stative pattern.

On to Kansa:

badakkaje	'have a fever' (also perhaps stative in BI)
a~-ba...	'I have a fever'

compare:
badakkaje	'heat by pushing'
p-padakkaje	'I heat by pushing'

all the following are conjugated with a~-, yi-.
baghi~je	'sweat, perspire'
basa~sa~	'have chills, shake with a chill'
bleza~ya	'squint, wilt, shrivel up'
gini		'recover, regain consciousness'
hagiye		'forget'
ije_ppaze	'get dizzy' (ije 'face'?)
ixobe		'lie, tell untruth'
kuya		'itch'
ne		'ache, be hurt'
ochi		'have a characteristic'
ophe		'grant one's wish'
ppaha~		'arise, get up
	ppa-a~-ha~ OR a-ppaha~!!
yukkoge		'have a cramp'

The vast majority of these are semantically 'experiencer' governing verbs. 
Interestingly, 'to lie, tell an untruth' is also stative in Crow even
though the verbs are non-cognate.  I guess it's nice to think of one's
falsehoods as 'experienced' rather than generated! :)

And the Quapaw forms, many cognate with the above, but some just
semantically alike (e.g. 'have a cramp').

akda		'suffer'
baxitte		'sweat, perspire'
dittike		'have a cramp'
ipa		'swell'
i~te		'ache, have a pain'
kakkikdattizhe	'tumble over'
kaski		'pant'
kihotta~	'convalesce, improve' (hotta~ 'good')
		(this ki- may be David's "become" in Dak.)
kikkokke	'recover, get well' (ditto)
naho~		'groan'
okima~kka	'share something'
	o-a~-ki... 'I ...'
okixpade	'lose something'
	o-a~-xpa... 'I ...'
oxpade		'fall from a height'
	o-a~-xpa... 'I ...'
tta~/tto~	'have, possess'
wakdazhi	'bend down, stoop. bow head'

That's about the lot.  The forms as they occur in texts are important now,
as we will see if any do take 3rd person suffixes.  It seems to me that
some like 'groan' would be really hard to interpret as 3rd person
impersonals without an overt causative element expresses, and there is
none as far as I can tell.  But I don't have the Kansa or Quapaw text
collection in computer-searchable form, so I can't be sure.  Any input
from Omaha would be greatly appreciated -- especially 1st and 2nd person
forms.


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Tue Mar  9 16:18:53 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:18:53 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.101853.0600.CST.RANKIN@LARK.CC.UKANS.EDU>

You probably should look at any Siouan verb in which the person/number
marking appears in the middle of the root.  This pattern almost invariably
shows that historically there were two roots, i.e., a compound root.  mani
'walk' is one such. The conjugation is ma-wa-ni, ma-ya-ni (and, I think,
u~-mani in the inclusive person, but I'm not sure).  In this instance,
several of us thought that ma- was perhaps the root meaning 'earth,
ground'.  More recently it was discovered that there was a Catawba root of
approximately that shape meaning simply 'go', so the etymology is unclear,
but what is clear is that these "split" roots (stems, actually)  have
ancient incorporated elements.

Take for example 'cough', a verb I've been examining for possible stative
conjugation.  In Kansa at least it is split:  ho-a-xpe, ho-ya-xpe in 1 and
2 sg.  Obviously ho- is in some sense 'incorporated'.  One of the meanings
of ho- is 'voice', and I'd guess that's what we see in hoxpe 'cough'.  

I'll have to check for the 1st dual form because it often is found to the
left of everything else when the 1st and 2nd sg. are infixed.  I'd sort of
expect to find o~-hoxpe 'we-2 cough', but I'll have to search and see if I
elicited the form or if Dorsey has it.  This pattern typical throughout
much of Siouan, so 1ST DUAL/PL VERB FORMS MAY BE CRUCIAL EVIDENCE FOR
INCORPORATION VS. MERE COMPOUNDING in Siouan verbs.

Now, note that in Quapaw, all the pronominals have migrated to the left
edge of the verb:  a-hoxpe, da-hoxpe in 1&2 sg. So "incorporation" is more
convincing here.

Lastly, let me make clear that I am not talking about verbs with known
prefixes like locative a-, o-, i- or instrumentals -- that may be
incorporation by some definitions, but it is definitely different from
incorporation of full lexemes.  You should concentrate on "infixing" verbs
where the identity of the first element is unknown or is clearly a noun or
other a member of some other major lexical class. 

Bob


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Tue Mar  9 17:55:00 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:55:00 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.105500.0700.MST.>

On Tue, 9 Mar 1999, Robert L. Rankin wrote:
> mani 'walk' is one such. The conjugation is ma-wa-ni, ma-ya-ni (and, I
> think, u~-mani in the inclusive person, but I'm not sure).  

That's the pattern in OP (aNmaN'dhiN), though in Dakotan uN is infixed. 
In OP both maN=...dhiN 'walk' and maN=...dhaN 'steal' extrapose the
inclusive, resulting in a pattern like the locative one (in Dakotan).
In a purely infixing pattern OP insets not just 1st and 2nd, but also
the inclusive, cf. mu=a'se, mu'=dhase, mu=aN'se 'I/you/we cut with a
shot'. 

'Walk' and 'steal' are the only two verbs of non-locative origin in OP
that behave like locative verbs, as far as I know.  

Mind you, locatives don't behave consistently like Dakotan locatives in
OP, so sometimes the wa patient inclusive follows a locative (u), and
sometimes the aN agent inclusive does (i).  Also, a and aN of various
first person and inclusive person pronominal origins move to before any wa
or we, etc., if the position they move from is not too deeply buried.  In
general, they move out of a post-locative slot, but not out of a
post-preverbal slot, e..g., not out of a causative. 

I mention these awkward complications because readers with a Dakotanist
background may assume that OP follows Dakota rule for rule, whereas it
does not.  


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Tue Mar  9 20:33:18 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:33:18 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.143318.0600.CST.>

> That's the pattern in OP (aNmaN'dhiN), though in Dakotan uN is infixed. 
> In OP both maN=...dhiN 'walk' and maN=...dhaN 'steal' extrapose the
> inclusive, resulting in a pattern like the locative one (in Dakotan). 

Same in Kansa.

> In a purely infixing pattern OP insets not just 1st and 2nd, but also
> the inclusive, cf. mu=a'se, mu'=dhase, mu=aN'se 'I/you/we cut with a
> shot'.

Some may not recognize that mu- here is an "outer" instrumental.  So I
personally don't regard this as infixing in any sense.  For me a true
infix must come between two non-grammatical parts of the stem and
locatives and instrumentals wouldn't count.  They're just prefixes in the
usual prefix order.  The ma- of 'walk' and 'steal' isn't.

> 'Walk' and 'steal' are the only two verbs of non-locative origin in OP
> that behave like locative verbs, as far as I know. 

How about 'cough'?  I seem to recall other interesting verbs from my Kansa
and Quapaw materials, but I'll have to check more thoroughly.

> Mind you, locatives don't behave consistently like Dakotan locatives in
> OP, so sometimes the wa patient inclusive follows a locative (u), and
> sometimes the aN agent inclusive does (i).  Also, a and aN of various
> first person and inclusive person pronominal origins move to before any
> wa or we, etc., if the position they move from is not too deeply buried. 
> In general, they move out of a post-locative slot, but not out of a
> post-preverbal slot, e..g., not out of a causative.

Right.  Or a positional AUX.  What I was emphasizing in my previous post
was that the inclusive (u~-, u~k, etc.) ROUTINELY fails to occupy the same
prefixal slot as 1st and 2nd sg. in numerous Siouan languages.  Thus, in
studies of incorporation, where verbal prefixes occurring before an
incorporated element are important evidence, the inclusive verb forms make
an important contribution that the other pronominals sometimes can't. 

When I did a conference paper on the inclusive (and 1st pl.) in the Siouan
family several years back, I discovered much to my chagrin that many field
workers (including sometimes yours truly) hadn't bothered to elicit these
forms, thinking they could be predicted from the 1st or 2nd person form. 
As John correctly points out, they can't be.  

Bob


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Tue Mar  9 21:01:39 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:01:39 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.140139.0700.MST.>

On Tue, 9 Mar 1999, Robert L. Rankin wrote:
> How about 'cough'?  I seem to recall other interesting verbs from my Kansa
> and Quapaw materials, but I'll have to check more thoroughly.

Off the top of my head, I don't know how 'cough' and 'sneeze' are
inflected in Omaha-Ponca, but I will make a mental note to check my
fieldnotes.  In the 700 or so pages of the Dorsey texts nobody manages to
sneeze or cough.  I vaguely recall eliciting sneeze (hec^hiN, I think),
but I don't recall whether I was smart enough to get in fully inflected.
As Bob said, you really need all "four" persons with a Siouan verb to be
completely sure of it.  

> Right.  Or a positional AUX.  

Verbs inflected entirely with the aid of a positional auxiliary are fairly
rare in OP, in contrast with more southerly Dhegiha, so I overlooked this
possibility!  Actually, I think I just saw my first one the other day
while looking at 'suffer' for Bob.  


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Tue Mar  9 21:51:20 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:51:20 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.145120.0700.MST.>

> > In a purely infixing pattern OP insets not just 1st and 2nd, but also
> > the inclusive, cf. mu=a'se, mu'=dhase, mu=aN'se 'I/you/we cut with a
> > shot'.
> 
> Some may not recognize that mu- here is an "outer" instrumental.  So I
> personally don't regard this as infixing in any sense.  For me a true
> infix must come between two non-grammatical parts of the stem and
> locatives and instrumentals wouldn't count.  They're just prefixes in the
> usual prefix order.  The ma- of 'walk' and 'steal' isn't.

I apologize for the terminology.  It's true that I know of no "infixing" 
stem that inserts the affix into a morpheme in OP (or other Siouan).  It's
always within a stem, but between morphemes.  I've been referring to stems
of the form [all pronominals]-stem as prefixing and stems of the form
stem_part_1-[all pronominals]-stem_part_2 as infixing, in talking to
myself, but this is just a expedient, and I'd be willing to consider
something purer if it's equally convenient.  Come to think of it, I
sometimes call these simple and preverb stems, but preverb could be
understood to include locatives (see below). 

There's a third class of stems, of course, that has the form [inclusive
pronominals]-stem_part_1-[other pronominals]-stem_part_2.  At least this
pattern holds pretty well in Dakotan.  The stem_part_1 is generally a
locative, and I call these locative stems, even when stem_part_1 is really
the maN of maN=...dhiN 'walk' or maN=...dhaN 'steal'.  This terminology is
clearly also somewhat bastardized.  

Of course, the relative order of inclusive > {1, 2} is retained in all
three classes and in terms of slots there's always an inclusive slot
preceding the slot for first and second persons.  This conception has to
be modified to account for various exceptional behaviors, like extraction
of the a and aN first persons, etc.

There's also a compound pattern of the form [inclusive pronominal]-[first
and second pronominals]-stem_part_1-[first and second person
pronominals]-stem_part_2.  That is, there are two independently inflected
parts of the stem, but only the first of these takes an inclusive
pronominals.  The standard OP example is gaN=dha 'to want', which is
kkaN=bdha, s^kaN=s^na, aNgaN=dha for 'I/you/we want'. 

To take this a little bit further now, in my work with OP I've come to the
conclusion that prefixing and infixing stems are really more or less the
same thing, except that the latter have a chunk of invariant preverbal
stuff that sits in front of a component "main" stem that obeys all the
prefixing rules.  In short the preverb is certainly an incorporand in at
least an abstract sense, The compounds stems are also just basically two
component prefixing stems in a row, except for only taking the inclusive
with the first.  

If you don't allow for this hierarchical structuring of components in
handling the infixing (or preverb) and compound stems you can quickly tie
yourself in knots.  In this respect I think that Siouan languages differ
from languages like Quechua or Turkish.  It's impossible to define simple
linear position class descriptions of the verbs.  Maybe I'm just ingorant
of Quechua and Turkish, of course!

This is particularly evident when one considers what happens when infixing
stems are subjected to further derivation.  In OP, anyway, for the most
part the preverb and main stem collapse into a single prefixed stem.  So
when kki-, the reflexive, is added to a verb in mu=..., the kki goes
before the mu= (usually), and the pronominals "now" forget about the slot
after mu=... and congregate in front of the kki-.  So you'd get akkimase,
dhakkimase, aNkkimase for 'I/you/we cut myself', not ma=akkise, etc., or
some other intermediate possibility.  Similar things happen when locative
are added to stems with outer instrumentals or other preverbs.  There is
some variation in applying the rules. 

I think that examples like these show that stem structures in OP are
hierarchical, and only the outermost layer or two of derivation are
relevant to pronominalization, which is controlled by the morphosyntactic
stem classes defined by the morphemes in these outermost layers, not by
rules in terms of mingled series of derivational and pronominal morphemes.
Thus, a standard Siouan grammar's rule like outer_instrumental > inclusive
> locative > first/second > dative > inner_instrumental > root isn't
really satisfactory.  Of course, such a rule works fairly well for the
simple component locative and prefixing stems, so chop off the outer
instrumental and rewrite the dative + inner instrumental + root sequence
as stem and you are back in business. 

I sincerely apologize to Bob for building this on the accidentally
tendered straw man of his comment about outer instrumentals preceding
pronominals.  He wasn't, of course, setting out to argue for a strict
system of positional classes at all.  I think he only meant to observe
(correctly) that the order of instrumentals and pronominals is
morphologically determined and intermorphemic, and not based on some sort
of phonological template, contrary to what my entirely sloppy use of the
term infixing might suggest.


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Tue Mar  9 23:55:25 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 17:55:25 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.175525.0600.CST.>

John Koontz writes:
> Off the top of my head, I don't know how 'cough' and 'sneeze' are
> inflected in Omaha-Ponca, but I will make a mental note to check my
> fieldnotes. 

Might be interesting to see what you and/or Dorsey have for Omaha proper.

Kathy Shea, in Ponca, got hu-a-xpe, hu-dha-xpe, hu-a~-xpai with all three
infixed.  Also hechi 'sneeze' was he-a-chi, he-dha-chi, he-a~-chi, again
with all three persons infixed.

So 'sneeze' is another incorporation, but here I can't identify the
element he-.  I'm still assuming that ho/hu in 'cough' is indeed 'voice'.  

I'll keep looking.

Bob


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Wed Mar 10 00:38:08 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 18:38:08 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Incorporation
Message-ID: <TUE.9.MAR.1999.183808.0600.CST.>

> To take this a little bit further now, in my work with OP I've come to
> the conclusion that prefixing and infixing stems are really more or less
> the same thing, except that the latter have a chunk of invariant
> preverbal stuff that sits in front of a component "main" stem ....

Well, yeah, but to us historians that "chunk" is the really fascinating
part, because such exceptions often clue us in to processes that were
productive hundreds, even thousands, of years ago that have now just left
this bothersome residue.  :)  As Meillet said, we reconstruct on the basis
of the exceptions, not the rule....

> If you don't allow for this hierarchical structuring of components in
> handling the infixing (or preverb) and compound stems you can quickly
> tie yourself in knots.  In this respect I think that Siouan languages
> differ from languages like Quechua or Turkish.  It's impossible to
> define simple linear position class descriptions of the verbs.  

This is typical of what you find in languages in which there is a mix of
inflectional and derivational affixes in the "template" (such as it is). 
Normally a series of inflectional affixes will be pretty linear.  I won't
say there are NO exceptions, but I think they'd be few (Turkish -ler/lar
'pl.' floats a little for example). The problem is that derivation can
take place at any point in history and is often, if not usually, different
for each lexeme.  Thus it will normally be the derivational affixes that
will screw up your nice templates, and, as John's nice examples show
vividly, that's certainly true in Siouan (esp. locatives and
instrumentals).  Then there are periodic "regularizations"  (analogical,
not phonological, in nature)  that may affect virtually all affixes and
further bolix up our neat analyses.  This is a historians perspective, of
course.  Synchronists account for these with more and more compartments
(or other exception features)  for the oddball derivations.  Life wouldn't
be fun without this stuff.

And on incorporation and infixing verbs, Kathy Shea was kind enough to
check some stative verbs for me in Ponca and includes both 'cough' and
'sneeze'.  Both have active conjugations: 

huxpe		cough
hu-a-xpe	I cough
hu-dha-xpe	you cough
hu-a~-xpe	we2 cough

hechi		sneeze
he-a-chi	I "
he-dha-chi	you "
he-a~-chi	we2 "

hu, I assume, is probably 'voice', which occurs in several compounds.
he, I simply can't identify.

Bob


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Mon Mar 22 01:34:39 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Sun, 21 Mar 1999 18:34:39 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Experiencer Statives in Omaha-Ponca
Message-ID: <SUN.21.MAR.1999.183439.0700.MST.>

It took a little longer to get this together than I expected.  

Omaha-Ponca Non-Adjectival Statives

The verbs below were selected by analogy with the forms Bob Rankin had
collected for Kansa and Quapaw.  They are cases were a subject that seems
to be active or an experiencer takes a patient pronominal.  I've arranged
them alphabetically by the English gloss to facilitate comparisons. 
Unspecified references are to the Dorsey texts.  MS91 represents the 1991
printing/edition of Mark Swetland's UmoNhoN Iye of Elizabeth Stabler. 

Non-Adjectival Statives

'ache, be hurt'   

    NB:  Note nominal subjects or themes.  

    nie 'ache' (stative)

      niN'gha aNni'e 'my stomach aches me' 133.13

    ginie 'ache for one' (stative + dative)

      niN'gha iN'nie '(my) stomach aches for me' 133.14

      NB: This is not suus, because that has the form a-gi-(g)-, not iN,
      which is aN + (g)i, the P1s form of the dative.  

    ni=...dhe 'to hurt one' (stative + causative ?)

      si' ni=aN'dhe 'my foot hurts me' 296.4

    giniedhe 'one's own to be hurt' (stative, dative, causative?)

      kkaN'dehi=daN=shte iNdhiNniedhe 'my relations be perhaps hurt 
        by a plum tree' 560.9/10

      NB:  The dhe here (and hence above) is probably NOT causative, since
      there is a suus form of the causative:  gidhe.

    nie gaghe 'get hurt' MS91:98 (presumably active)

    naN'k(k)a 'to hurt' MS91:98  (inflectional pattern unknown)

'arise, get up'

  cf. ppaha(N) ihe=dhe 'display, i.e., upright/standing to lay'

  I can't locate this at the moment, but I would swear that somewhere 
  I've seen Dorsey say this verb is inflected ppahaN, s^pahaN, ppahaN,
  which is rather a singular pattern.  ppa, s^pa, ba would be regular,
  or appa, dhappa, ppa.  

'convalesce, improve'

  ???

'grant wish'

  ???

'bend down, stoop, bow head'

  bamaNgdhe ~ ppa maNxe (maNgdhe??) 'bow, bent over' MS91:23
    I think these are 'bend by pushing' (active) and 'head bent' (???).
    cf. hi maNgdhe 'cane', wakkaN ppa maNgdhe 'checkers, gamble with
    bent heads' MS91:33,37  Hence these are probably not relevant.

'have a characteristic'

  ???

'have chills, ...' 

  ???

  No examples of 'shiver', either.

Add:  'be cold'

  sniN'=...tte 'be cold' (stative)

    sniN=aN't(t)e 'I am chilly' 316.7 (Dorsey writes t-apostrophe, i.e., an
      explicit sign of aspiration, which in his usage generally means it's tt!
      I have elicited this and I'm pretty sure it's tte.  
    sniN'=dhitte 'you are cold' 

'have cramp'

  dhikku 'have cramp, convulsions' MS91:276 (Uninflected, but probably active.)

'get dizzy' 

  naNxe (naNghe?) ska=zhi 'get dizzy' MS91:61  (Inflection unknown)

    Perhaps 'ears not clear', cf. naNxide 'inner ears'.

    cf. naNxi'de aNska'=xti 'I have excellent hearing' 630.9

'fall' ...

  Notice the nominal subjects/themes.  

  uxpadhe=...dhe 'to lose' (active)
  u...gixpadhe 'to lose one's' (stative, dative)

    s^aNge iNwiN'xpadhe=de 'when (surprisingly) I lost a horse' 647.2
    udhi'xpadha=z^i=tta=the 'you shall not lose it'  18.5

    NB: The latter is possible u..xpadhe 'to lose' (stative only)

  ui'xpadhe 'to lose one's own'

    wiN=e'=s^te=waN s^uN'gaz^iNga uixpadha=b=az^i 'even one child they
      did not lose' 1891:92.1

  u...xpadhe 'to fall' (stative?)

    niN=khe=di uxpadha=bi=egaN '(he) having fallen into the water' 227.19

'have fever'       

  zhu na=kkade MS91:76 

    NB: Literally 'flesh be hot'; should inflect as stative due to na=...

add:  'have none'

  NB:  Notice subject or theme noun.

  dhiNge' 

    maN'ze=s^te aNdhiNge he 'I have no (piece of) iron at all'  107.12
    naNghi'de dhidhiN'ge 'you have no inner ear' (= 'you are disobedient') 17.8
    wanaNghi dhidhiNge=tta=i=the 'you shall lack a spirit' 18.8
    niN'e dhidhiNge=xti 'you had no pain at all' 587.6
    s^iN'gaz^iNga=s^tewaN wadhInga=i=daN=s^te 'child we had none at all' 219.12



'forget', 'remember'

  naNbdhiN 'forget, not understand' (active)  ??? cf. 'perspire'

    anaN'bdhiN 'I forgot (I do not understand)' 774.5

  gisidhe 'remember' (active)

  sidha=zhi 'forget' (active?)

    sidha=b=azhi 'they had forgotten' 779.1

'have, possess'

  t(t)aN 'have, be, (be) abundant at a place, exist' 
    given by Dorsey as t?aN and thaN (once) (active)

    we'dhihide attaN' e=the'=gaN 'I am apt to have tools'  10.8
    udhi'kka dhattaN '(one) to help you you have'  1891:110.15

add:  'hear well'

    Notice nominal subject or theme.  

    naNxi'de ...ska 'stative'

      naNxi'de aNska'=xti 'I have excellent hearing' 630.9

'itch'

  kki'e 'to itch' MS91:104 (inflection unknown)

  Notice the nominal subjects/themes.

  dha?i?idhe (stative)

    izhaN'ghe aN'dha?i?idha 'my anus itches me' 314.1
    tta=staNde=dhaN=di dha?i?idha 'it itched him in the flank' 576.1

'lie, tell lies'  

  i'usishtaN 'to tell lies' (active)

    cf. i' 'mouth'?, but idh => i..., the locative.  

    idha'usishtaN 'I told a lie' 63.4

'pant'

  niN=ugoNdha  'gasp' MS91:84 (inflection unknown)

    NB:  Looks like it might be 'desire of water'.

'recover' 

  giniN 'be well, OK; heal; the cure' (stative)

    aNgi'niN 'I recover' 663.2
    wagi'niN aNgadha=... 'we recovered (progressive?)' 689.5
    aNgi'niN e=the'=gaN 'we are apt to recover (sic)' 671.5

  i'giniN 'to recover by means of sthg.'

    i'giniN=ama 'he recovered by it'  36.16

  giniN=...khidhe 'to cause to recover'

'share'

  udhuxdhega?, iwaxdhega?? 'to fall to one as a share' (stative)

  cf. aNdhaNwa(N?)xdhega 'it fell to me as my share' 227.17

'suffer'

  agdha 'to go home; to leave' (this is a homophonous stem, actually agdhe) 
        MS91:207
        'to offend; to aggravate; to abhor'  MS91:207
        'to accuse of; to blame; to complain'  MS91:207

  uwagdha thaN 'to suffer'  (thaN 'the standing') (requires positional)

    uwagdha=xti=aN aNgathaN 'we were suffering a lot'  145.1

  u?agdha dhiN 'to suffer'  (dhiN 'to be')  (JOD u?a ~ uwa might not be 
    reliable!)

    u?agdha aNdhiN' ha 'we are suffering' 502.9

    NB:  This is not dhiN 'the moving', which has aNgadhiN for agent inclusive 
    form.

  agdha dhiN 'be suffering'

    agdha=xti aN'dhiN 'we are suffering greatly'  37.10

    Note following form.  Error in person here?

  agdha a...dhiN 'to keep in a condition of suffering'

    agdha=xti, nisi'=ha, aN'dhiN 'suffering much, child, he keeps me' 45.9

    NB aN'dhiN = *a-aN-dhiN (regular development in a- locatives)

  a...gdha=zhi 'not to suffer' 

    a?a'gdha=maNzhi 'I do not suffer' 752.15 (? surprises me)

    NB: not sure of inflectional pattern, looks active, presumably
    infixing.  The ? is JOD's, but probably reflects his detection of the
    length plus falling pitch that marks a-a- LOC + A1s sequences in
    modern Omaha. 

  agdhe=...dhe 'make suffer' (active, causative)

    agdhe=aNdhadhe 'you made me suffer' 38.17

  udhugdhe 'suffer on account of' (stative)
                  
    aNdhaNwaNgdha ha 'I suffer on account of it'  480.9

  i'...sabe 'suffer' (stative)

    aNdhaNsabe i'nahiN 'I truly suffered' 196.11
    i'dhisabe=xti 'you suffered exceedingly' 181.3
    we'asabe=xti 'we suffered a lot' 197.4 (wa-i-a- with wa-a- as patient
      form) 

  i'...gisabe   'ones relations suffer' (stative, dative)

    iNdhiNsabe=xti 'my relations suffering very much' 180.16

  dhizhu=azhi   'make one suffer' (looks active, probably not relevant here)

    aNdhizhu=azhi 'he has made me suffer' 550.6

'squint, wilt, shrivel up' 

  iNshta xaNxaN 'to squint' MS91:163  Inflection unknown.  

    NB: xaNxaN should perhaps be stative because xaN 'to break' would be.
    The xaN stem would normally be used with instrumentals.  

'sweat, perspire'  

  unabdhiN 'perspire' MS91:136 (una'bdhi 153.6)

    NB: could inflect as stative due to na=..., albeit u... has been added,
    and it's not clear to me where that leaves us!  Anyway, this is stative.

    aNwaNnabdhiN 'I perspired' 153.2
    udhi'nabdhiN 'you p.' 153.8

'swell'

  i'ba MS91:167  Also in JOD, but no inflected examples.  

Add:  'teeth chatter'

  hi'=...saNsaNde=...aN 'one's teeth chatter, are set on edge'

    hi=aN'saNsaNde=maN 'my teeth shake' (in reaction to eating something,
      perhaps astringent) 
    
'tumble one'

  ugat(t)aNt(t)aNdha 'to tumble' MS91:177 (not clear if sense applies, or what
    the inflectional pattern is)
  
  kkinaNza (kkinaNsa?) 'stumble' (apparently a reflexive) MS 91:166


Dorsey ms:67-8 (the grammar) lists the following impersonals:  "Adjective
verbs and some neuter verbs appear to be used impersonally and are varied
by means of the same pronouns; as u-daN > udaN=iN 'he is good'; dhi-udaN
('thee-good') 'thou art good', etc . 

"These verbs are included in the Sixth Conjugation ..."  (Dorsey's statives)

u...dhixaga 'be chapped':  aNwaNdhixaga, udhi'dhizaga, u'dhixaga=i,
  uwadhixaga=i

e=...kkigaN 'to be like one':  e=aNkkigaN, e=dhikkigaN, e=kkigaN=i,
  e=awakkigaN=iN 'I am like him', etc.

e=...gaN 'to be so':  e=aNgaN, e=dhigaN, e=gaN=iN, e=awagaN=iN
  'I am so', etc.

However, I have also seen the last as e=gimaN, egiz^aN, etc., in Dorsey.

Dorsey ms:68 also lists as "Impersonal verbs" "used only in the third
person singular" 

naz^iN' 'it rains'
ma'dhe 'it snows'
masi 'it hails'
dhiaNba=i 'it lightens'
xaN 'it is proper'

The first four of these are not quite the same thing as what we are
looking for. 

Dorsey also lists among his first kind of impersonal the example:

wakhege [sic, for wakhega]:  aNwaNkhega 'I am sick', wadhikhega,
  wakhega=i, wawakhega=i 'I am sick', etc.

This represents a smallish class of wa-initial statives, here from Dorsey
and the "Ponca" ms. that is probably the work of Frida Hahn. 

wakhega 'be sick'
was^us^e 'be brave, be generous'
wasi'sige 'be active'
wasniNd(e?) 'to delay, be tardy'  (wadhisniNda=i 'ypu delayed' 419.7)
wahe'ha 'be stouthearted'
waxpa'dhiN 'to be poor'
wase'k(k)aN 'to be fast' 

Similar examples from Osage (see LaFlesche) are:

wapiN' 'to bleed'
wakkaN'didhe 'to be in distress'
was^o's^e 'be courageous'
watto'ke 'be active, alert'
waxpa'dhiN 'be exhausted'

I suspect that this list of wa-statives is not exhaustive.  

Noting that in these verbs the wa is quite analogous to the nominal
subjects or theme arguments seen with verbs like 'ache, be hurt',
'fall/lose', 'get dizzy', 'have fever', 'itch', 'hear well', 'have the
teeth chatter', etc., I would be inclined to see them as quite comparable
to the general class of experiencer statives.  However, note that I am not
aware of any of these stems occurring without wa, and so we have to see wa
here as a fixed element of the stem morphology.  It can't be replaced by a
noun or simply deleted. 

Verbs of the experiencer sort reported as statives in the Frida Hahn
ms:55, ...: 

saNsaN' 'to be nervous'
dhiNge' 'to have none' (above)
p(p)ai' 'to be clever, sharp'
niye' 'to be sore, hurt' (above)
s^ti'de 'be warm' ??? (depending on whether it is 'one feels warm' or 'be warm'
da'dhiN 'be drunk'
baski'dhe 'be angry, out of temper' (in form a ba-instrumental)
mu'=...s^tide 'to be warm (from inside, by alcohol, etc.)'
na'=...s^tide 'be warm (by heat)'
e'=...dhaNbe 'to come in sight'

In a number of these cases whether or not the sense is proper to an
experiencer interpretation depends on whether the sense is experiential or
objective (based on external attributes). 

A few words in summation.  It appears that there is no real marking of
subjectivity via use of agentive/proximate articles like akha, ama.  In
fact, quite the contrary:  at least one form uses thaN as an auxiliary. 
However, it is clear from the repeated use of additional nominal arguments
and perhaps of wa prefixes that the argument that governs stative
agreement is in many cases not the only argument, which in itself makes
these a rather special class of stative. 

A few formatives appear frequently:  i-, u-, udhu- (< *i-u-), na=...  The
last have been treated historically as cases of an instrumental that
simply requires stative inflection for some arbitrary reason, though
clearly it has been obvious to all concerned that the agents involved are
inanimate, for the most part, and that this was what determined the
behavior.  The occasional examples of ba- and mu= instrumentals that have
turned up in Bob's work and now Hahn's, should be ample evidence that
"impersonal"  statives are not restricted to na=.  That makes me wonder
about cases where ga- indicates action by wind or current. 

Possible examples (form LaFlesche's Osage Dictionary):

kaski'ke 'tedious, wearisome, lassitude, fatigue, be weary, exhausted, die
  of exhaustion'

kata'xe 'to drench, to saturate, to soak through' ()actually used
  passively) 

I believe there are other examples with locative prefixes.  


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Thu Mar 25 15:03:45 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Thu, 25 Mar 1999 08:03:45 -0700 (MST)
Subject: statives with Instr. and Loc. affixes in Dakotan. (fwd)
Message-ID: <THU.25.MAR.1999.080345.0700.MST.JOHN.KOONTZ@COLORADO.EDU>

Here's a long one from Constantine Xmelnitsky!  
Email address:  mosind at yahoo.com

Dear John Koontz:

I try to find the answers (at least for me) to your
questions about the existence of impersonal stative
verbs with ka- instrumental affix and with locatives.
Also I cite below the Rigg's and Boas' perception of
stative verbs as impersonal.

--- Koontz John E <John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU> wrote:
 "The occasional examples of ba- and mu= instrumentals
that have turned up in Bob's work and now Hahn's,
should be ample evidence that "impersonal"  statives
are not restricted to na=.  That makes me wonder about
cases where ga- indicates action by wind or current." 
---------------------------------------
   I looked it up in the Buechel's Lakota-English
Dictionary, 1970 and found several examples of the
"stativization" of active verbs when the
agent is a wind / wagon moving / horseback (ka-
instrumental). As Buechel uses freely "v.n." label for
active verbs I selected a sample of verbs where
the stativeness is expressed more or less explicitly --
with A1 wa- and S1 (P1?) ma- affixes. 

Two words about the topic:

1.  The possibility of regarding the stative verbs as
impersonal ones was pointed out by Riggs, 1853, and
Boas & Deloria, 1941:

   Riggs, Dakota Grammar, 19.2.b (p.11): 
"They [objective pronouns] are also used with neuter
verbs and adjectives; as, yazaN, to be sick, mayazaN, I
am sick; was^te, good, mawas^te, I am good. The English
idiom requires that we should here render these
pronouns by the nominative case, although it would seem
that in the mind of Dakotas, the verb or adjective is
used IMPERSONALLY, and governs the pronoun in the
objective".

   B&D, Dakota Grammar, p.2: "As in many American
languages the object of the transitive verb coincides
with the subject of the neutral verb. In Dakota this
may perhaps be so understood that the state is
expressed in reference to the personal pronoun "being
strong is in reference to me"; i.e., "I am strong".

   Boas & Deloria ("Dakota Grammar", 1941) discuss
impersonal verbs with instrumental prefixes in a
separate paragraph 46, pp.47-8: "Verbs with
instrumental prefixes are often used in such a way that
an indefinite actor is understood, for instance 
   -swa to be unraveled; 
      kaswa' to unravel by striking but also: (long
use) made it unravelled, 
      i.e., it is ragged. 
   (-)suta' to be hard; 
      (ma)ka'suta he made (me) hard (callous) by
strkining, but also: 
      (circumstances) have hardened me.
Some of these verbs never appear with active pronouns,
for instance
   -ks^ec^a to be cramped by spasms;
      (ma)yu'ks^ec^a (I) am bent by cramps (cramps bend
me).
The implied subject is always of a most general
character and the forms correspond to our IMPERSONAL
verbs."
[The rest of a paragraph will be listed below]

2. The velar palatalization after S2 affix ni- is
normally prohibited in the stative verbs in Dakotan
(kha'tA "hot"; nikha'tA, S2-hot). 
However /k/ in ka- affix seems to be palatalized after
S2 ni-:
Buechel explicitly states palatalized forms for
kaki'z^A, to suffer (nic^a'kiz^A), and kas^?iN', to be
bent toward the inside (nic^a's^?iN), so we could
generalize that ka- > c^a- shift is universal in this
set of verbs.

3. Can we suppose that there is an analogy between
"passive" construction like
  ma-?o'=pi (P1-hit pl.), "I'm wounded", where the
agent is insubstantial/unknown and our examples, where
the agent is inanimate (wind/wagon) or dummy ("it") and
cannot be marked with plural enclitic =pi ?
Maybe there was a gradual lexicalization of the
"stativizing" verbs listed below as Buechel shows the
possible stages:
   i. c^(h)aNpa'gmiyaN ma-ka'-xwa (wagon
P1-by_strike-be_sleepy) "wagon shakes me to sleep",
"I'm sleepy from shaking in a wagon" p.276.
    (Though what about the ban on inanimate actors
except natural forces?)
   ii. [thate' ma-ka'c^ekc^eke (wind P1-stagger)] ->
       thate' was^?a'ke=lo oN ma-ka'c^ekc^eke=lo (wind
strong because-of S1-be_staggering) p.271.
   iii. ma-ka'huNhuNza (S1-be_wagon-shaken) p.274.
--------------------------------------------------
Now the verbs from Buechel, 1970:

p.270-1
   kac^aN', v.a. To shake, clear by shaking, to sift.
Wakac^aN.
      -- v.n. To shiver. O'blula wanic^e c^(h)a
uNka'c^aNpi kte lo.(There's no roof/waterproof so we'll
shiver) [also na(ma-)c^aNc^aN, to shiver, tremble,
p.342]

p.271
?  kac^aN'c^aN, v.n. To trot, as a horse. --v.a. red.
To clean by shaking,as in sifting; to shake.
Waka'c^aNc^aN.

p.271
   kac^e'kA, v.a. To strike and make stagger.
Waka'c^eka.
   kac^e'kc^ekA, v.t. and v.i.red. To stagger.
Maka'c^ekc^eka.
      Thate was^?akelo oN makac^ekc^ekelo. Bl. (on
account of wind...)
      MahuNkes^ni c^(h)a makac^ekc^eke. D.114 (I'm
sickly so...)

p.272
   kagle'pa, v.a. To make one vomit by striking on the
back, as one in whose throat smth got stuck.
      -- v.n. To vomit on account of dizziness caused
by rapid circular motions. Makaglepa.

p.274
   kahuN'huNza, 1) v.a. To shake, make shake by
striking, as a tree, or as the wind does trees.
Waka'huNhuNza.
      2) v.n. To be shaken as on a wagon, rocking chair
etc. Maka'huNhuNza.
p.290
   kas^kaN's^kaN, v.n. To be shaking, being shaken up,
as when sitting on a 
      heavy wagon, i.e. bumping/hitting.
Maka's^kaNs^kaN. Same as kahuNhuNza.
   [also, p.358: nas^kaN's^kaN, v.n. To be shaking,
trembling, as on an automobile when the enginge starts.
ka-... = slow bumping, na-... =rapid motion]

p.280
   kaki'z^a, v.n. To suffer, be afflicted. Makakiz^a,
nic^akiz^a.

Note that there is a velar palatalization after P2
affix, specific to active verbs. There's no active
counterpart for kakiz^A, save kaz^a (wa-kaz^a), 
"to split a little, to make gape" (p.278).

p.282
   kalo'c^(h)iN, v.n. To be hungry from being shaken
up, as from having ridden on a wagon or on a horseback.
Maka'loc^(h)iN. 
[Cf. loc^hiN', lowa'c^hiN, v.a. want food, be hungry]

p.288
   kapu'za, 1) v.a. To make smth dry by shaking it in
the wind. Waka'puza.
      2) v.n. To become dry by being shaken by the
wind, as wash. BigTurkey used this word also for voting
"dry" for the state of S.D.

   kasaN', 1) v.n. To turn white, as paint does from
rain.
      2) v.a. To whiten by scraping. Waka'saN.
   kaska', v.a. To bleach by striking/dragging.
Waka'ska.
      -- v.n. To become clear, to clear off, as clouds,
smoke etc.

p.292
   kas^tu's^ta, v.n. To be tired from riding.
Makas^tus^ta. Bl.
Cf. p.468: s^tus^ta, "adj." Soft, as the flesh of
animals when hard chased, wanting flavor.

   kas^?iN', v.n. To bend backwards, to be bent toward
the inside (concave), like the back of a sway-back
horse, or a pug nose. Makas^?iN.
      Nic^as^?iN.

p.295
   kauN'ka, v.a. To cut down, fell e.g. tress; to
strike down e.g. persons; to blow down, as the wind
does trees. WakauNka.
   -- kauN'kaka, v.n. To jolted / bounced up and down,
as in a wagon. kauNkaka ye-ma-ya.
   kawaN'kaka [? waNka up], v.n. same as kauNkaka.
KawaNkaka i-ma-yaye.

   kawa's^?aka, v.n. (of was^?aka [wa-ma-s^?akA],
strong). To be made strong by packing / carrying loads.
Makawas^?aka.

   kawa'tuk(h)a, v.n. [wa(-ma-)tukha, (I'm) tired] To
be tired from long riding on a wagon / on a horseback,
by reason of shaking (ka-).
      S^uNkakaN yaNkapi / c^(h)aNpagmiyaNpi  
makawatuk(h)a.

p.296
   kazaN', 1) v.a. To hurt, to make feel pain by
striking; to render motionless. WakazaN. HiNyete
kazaNpi, Bruised shoulders.
         2) v.n. To fill up, have the sense of
fullness. ... 
      C^(h)aNte (ma)kazaN, To heart burn.
  
Note also the Buechel's  examples:
kagmigma, (make) roll; kaxmuN (cause to) make noise;
c^(h)aNpagmiyaN makaxwa (I'm sleepy from shaking in a
wagon)
thate c^ha wowapi kaxwokelo (the book was carried away
by the wind)

I couldn't find explicit "v.a./v.n." entry for pa-
instrumental derivatives
at Buechel's.
---------------------------------------------------

Paragraph 46 of Boas & Deloria "Dakota Grammar",
pp.47-8:

..2. Most of the verbs that appear both in active and
impersonal forms have the prefix ka- whis expresses in
these cases an indeterminate outer force.
   is^tiN'ma to be asleep, 
      (ma)ka'is^tiNme  he puts me to sleep; I have
fallen asleep;
   xaN  it is a sore; 
      (ma)ka'xaN  (I) have a sore (from working with a
tool);
      (ma)yu'xaN  (I) have a sore (as from rubbing of a
strap; also
      (wa)ka'xaN  (I) cause it to be sore by striking;
   hiNta to be swept clear, 
      wana' kahiN'ta  he has now swept it, (the clouds)
have been swept away;
   homni to turn on an arc,
      (ma)ka'homni  he turned (me) around; (I) have
changed;
   c^haNte't?iNza  to be stout hearted (c^haNte' heart,
t?iN'za stiff),
      c^haNte'(ma)ka't?iNza  he makes (me) fearless; (I
am) fearless;
   t?a  to be dead,
      (ma)ka't?a  he killed (me) by striking; (I) was
stunned;
   s^pu  to unfasten,
      kas^pu'  he knocked it loose, it became loose;
   c^he'ya  to cry,
      (ma)ka'c^heya he made (me) cry by striking, (I
am) crying (on account of cold, etc.)

Also with ka-:
   kauN'spe    to be world-wise (time has taught);
   kahuN'      to have a gash;
   kahuN'huNza to be shaken up, he swings it to and
fro;
   kabla'za    to be ripped;
   ic^a'thaN   to be in touch;
   kathe'pa    to be worn down;
   kasu'ta     to be hardened;
   kaswa'      to ragged at the edge;
   kaslu'ta    the tongue lolls;
   kasna'      (leaves) drop off;
   oma'kasni  I feel a cold draft;
   oka's^kaN  to be forced to move;
   pha'we kas^u'z^a  his nose bleeds;
   phehiN' kaz^uN'  hair falls out;
   phehiN' kala'la  hair dangles all over (kala' to
spill dry materials);
   kac^ekc^eka  to stagger;
   kaksa'  to be cut off;
   kaks^i'ks^iz^a  to be collapsed, bent in all
directions (ks^iz^a  to be bent at a joint);
   kakhu'kha   to be worn out;
   kag^aN'     to be unkempt;
   kag^aN'     it opens;
   kaxwa'      to be sleepy after a long ride;
   kaxi'c^a    to be aroused out of sleep;
   kaxle'c^a   to have a cut in the scalp;
   kaxli'      to be mired (xli  to touch slimy
material);
   kaxc^i'     it is torn off

wo-  is used often in resultative forms when moving
water is understood as actor:
   woz^a'z^a  to get clean (in a river, by rain);
   iwo'phaNyaN  (adv.) grass is beaten down by rain,
hail 
   (ika'phaNyaN by wind)

 In other cases it is rather action from a distance:
   woi'tomni  he gets dizzy by being bumped about;
      (kai'tomni he gets dizzy by being turned);
   iwo'to  to bump oneself;
   woxta'ka  to be bumped into (ic^a'xtak-phic^as^ni 
to be touchy)

pa- is used rarely expressing a resultative:
   pawiN'z^a  to be bent by pushing;
   ipa'sli  to be squeezed against by pushing;
   paglo'ka  it is dislocated (a joint)

yu-:
   iyu'titaN  it fits tightly (-titaN  to exert force
on);
   yus^iN's^iN  to be wrinkled;
   yus^ki'  to be wrinkled, gathered in folds;
   yugmu'za  to be shrivelled up (skin in old age),
active only as adverb;
   yux?i'  it is warty, irregularly rough;
   yuxa'xa  to be curly (kaxa' iya'ya  it gets
knotted);" (end of citation)
-----------------------------------------------------

<J.Koontz: I believe there are other examples with
locative prefixes.  

There is an interesting construction in Dakotan,
formally a stative verb:
a- Loc."on" + X, where X=noun/verb, meaning that 
1. X acts on smb/ smb undergoes X
2. the surface of patient undergoes the proccess X
The paradigm of such verbs is usual:

I...     ama'-X       We... uNka'-X pi
I&thou... uNka'-X
Thou...  ani'-X       Ye...  ani'-X pi
He...    a-X          They.. a-X pi

1. X acts on smb.:

   a-ma'-wetu, a-ma'-bloketu, a-ma'-waniyetu, I have
reached spring-/summer-/winter-time.
   a-ma'-yaNpa, I spent a sleepless night and was found
sleepless by the dawn (aN'pa  be dawn);
   a-ma'-wiyaya, I didn't return home before night
(wi'iyaya sunset);

2. the surface of patient undergoes the process X:

   a-ma'-c^hu, it dews on me (c^hu dew);
   a-ma'-c^hag^a, I'm covered with ice (c^ha'g^a ice);
   oN's^tiNmapihiN ac^hax'-ma-su(su), little ice drops
formed on my eyelids;
   a-ma'-haNzi, I'm overshadowed (ohaN'zi shadow);
   a-ma'-mag^az^u, It rains on me (mag^a'z^u rain);
   a-ma'xpiya, it's clouded (maxpi'ya cloud, heaven);
   a-o'-ma-z^aNz^an, it's light on me (oz^aN'z^aN
light); 
   a-ma'-xeyuNka, frost acts on me, I'm frosted;
   a-ma'-wa, I'm covered with snow (wa' snow);

There are two stative verbs with Loc-Dat- combination:

   a-(ma)-ki-sni, to recover from illness/anger
      (? sni', cool);
   a-(ma)-ki-x?aN, to be without food, starve
      (x?aN =?. x?aNyaN be near death / very tired;
       wic^(h)o'x(?)aNx(?)aN, illness, if recall it
right).


From John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU  Sat Mar 27 21:46:27 1999
From: John.Koontz at Colorado.EDU (Koontz John E)
Date: Sat, 27 Mar 1999 14:46:27 -0700 (MST)
Subject: Reduplicated 'say'
Message-ID: <SAT.27.MAR.1999.144627.0700.MST.JOHN.KOONTZ@COLORADO.EDU>

Here's a tidbit that might interest anyone looking at reduplication.  

This week Bob Rankin pointed out to me that Buechel's dictionary lists a
Teton stem hey'aya (Buechel 1983:174a) 'to say much, to keep saying'. 
This a reduplication of heya' 'to say that or this' (same page).  The
inflectional pattern is hepha'pha, heha'ha, heya'ya, uNke'yaya=pi. More
simply (1983:146a), there is eya'ya 'to say often, to repeat' inflected
epha'pha, eha'ha, eya'ya, uNke'yayapi.  (Note that e with eya'ya (and
e'ya) functions as a locative, and takes uNk before it.)  There are
related forms eya'yalaka and heya'yalaka 'to tell lies', which have the
same inflectional pattern, but the inclusive pattern is heuN'yaypilaka.
The third person plural is given as heya'yapilaka or heya'yalakapi. The
inclusive form suggests that Buechel may be in error with his inclusive of
heya'ya, having substituted the form for eya'ya by mistake.

What's interesting here, of course, is that the reduplicated syllable
includes the irregular inflection in the first and second person.  

I have a nonce form for this for Omaha-Ponca from Dorsey, which is
es^e's^e 'you keep saying'.  The full inflection is not attested, but
should be (?) ehe'he, es^e's^e for the first and second persons.  The
third person is a=i without reduplication, so it's not clear what it would
be if reduplicated.  The Omaha-Ponca inclusive for the paradigm is
suppletive.  The unreduplicated form is aNdhaNdha=i, from idhe.

David Rood tells me that his instinctive feeling with these forms is that
they represent reduplication before inflection.  My initial instinct was
the reverse, but now I'm inclined to go with David's assessment, frankly. 
Either way it's interesting that the inflection gets repeated in the first
and second persons.  The failure to repeat in the inclusive person is
consistant with the behavior of serial verbs of this sort. 


From rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu  Sun Mar 28 00:35:04 1999
From: rankin at lark.cc.ukans.edu (Robert L. Rankin)
Date: Sat, 27 Mar 1999 18:35:04 -0600 (CST)
Subject: Reduplicated 'say'
Message-ID: <SAT.27.MAR.1999.183504.0600.CST.>

On Sat, 27 Mar 1999, Koontz John E wrote:

> This week Bob Rankin pointed out to me that Buechel's dictionary lists a
> Teton stem hey'aya (Buechel 1983:174a) 'to say much, to keep saying'. 
> This a reduplication of heya' 'to say that or this' (same page).  The
> inflectional pattern is hepha'pha, heha'ha, heya'ya, uNke'yaya=pi. 
> What's interesting here, of course, is that the reduplicated syllable
> includes the irregular inflection in the first and second person. 

> David Rood tells me that his instinctive feeling with these forms is
> that they represent reduplication before inflection. Either way it's
> interesting that the inflection gets repeated in the first and second
> persons. 

This does pose an interesting ordering problem for morphology.  What's
happened historically I think is that the inflection has simply become
opaque to speakers, who now no longer recognize -p- as an allomorph of wa-
'1st person actor', i.e., the inflection has simply been lexicalized.  I
wonder if those few other archaic verbs do the same thing.  Either hi
'arrive' or ?u 'come'(or both) has a 1st sg. in p-, which, if
reduplicated, should produce *phVphV. 

Bob