PMV 'coyote' [was RE: coyotes]

[Koontz John E]

OK, I can explain the -si's and maybe the miNh, too.  JEK


Sa mi'c^[h]a  Thode
Te s^uN<k>ma(N)ni(N)tu 'wandering (wild) dog'

  I see that Buechel gives mi'c^[h]aksic^a 'a small wolf'.  Williams
  gives mi'c^[h]a, and mi'c^[h]aksic^a, for 'coyote'.  Riggs gives both
  forms with the gloss 'a small species of wolf'.  I suspect Buechel's
  listing is from Riggs.

  Incidentally, what is the distribution of ksic^a as 'small' in Dakotan?
  This is probably the explanation of the -si in Dhegiha, since *ksika >
  *sika.

PreDa *mi(N)'kha (ksika) < PMV *miNh-ka ksika

OP mi(N)'kkasi
Ks s^oN'mi(N)kkase
Os s^o[N]'mi(N)hkasi
Qu [not available to me at present]

PDh *s^oN(k)mi(N)hka si < PMV *s^uNk mih-ka ksika

IO ma(N)nik[h]a<th>i

Wi maNaNniN'kaksik

PCh *maNaNniNkha ksike < PMV *maNaNniNh-ka ksika

    The IO and Wi forms, taken in connection with the Ks and Os forms
    obviously provide a way to connect the *s^uNk mi(N)h-ka forms with the
    *s^uNk maNaNniN ones, by offering the possibility that *miNh-ka is an
    irregular contraction of *maNaNnih-ka.  It's very interesting that
    adding the noun formant -ka to *maNaNniN presumably 'to walk'
    requires the -h.  In fact, it's a little puzzling.  One wonders if
    there might not be some mergers or reanalysis going on instead.
    Perhaps the maNaN of maNaNniN is connected with the maN in Dakotan
    (Teton) forms with maN, cf. maNyas^lec^a.

PMV *s^uNk (miNh-ka | maNaNniNh-ka | (?) maNaNh-ka) ksika
     canine ???       wild, wandering    coyote     small