<div>Just to chime in for a brief second --</div> <div><EM></EM> </div> <div><EM>> Note that a fair number of American languages west of Siouan distinguish<BR>two s-sounds, one more alveolar and one more dental. ></EM></div> <div> </div> <div>Not sure how far west you were thinking, but I can say that Rumsen Ohlone (Penutian) apparently has a 3-way 's' distinction recorded by JP Harrington. Without taking time to go into too much detail, there's apparently the English-style alveolar 's', a retroflex 's' (which also exists in some Mayan languages), and the 'esh.' Mutsun, Rumsen's close cousin to the east, however, apparently only distinguished two (no retroflex).</div> <div> </div> <div><EM>> In Castillan Spanish and in Portuguese s is quite retracted. ></EM></div> <div> </div> <div>I believe in some dialects of Castilian the 's' is apical rather than alveolar, approaching more of a hissing 'sh' sound (which often happens
in Greek dialects as well) though not quite 'esh'. I don't believe this is the case in standard Portuguese among speakers I've heard (although of course Portuguese does maintain the 'esh' that Spanish lost). </div> <div> </div> <div>Dave<BR><BR><B><I>Koontz John E <John.Koontz@colorado.edu></I></B> wrote:</div> <BLOCKQUOTE class=replbq style="PADDING-LEFT: 5px; MARGIN-LEFT: 5px; BORDER-LEFT: #1010ff 2px solid">On Sun, 24 Sep 2006, Rory M Larson wrote:<BR>> In the past, we've roughly assumed a set of three oral fricative locations,<BR>> each of which may be voiced or unvoiced:<BR>><BR>> s s^ x^<BR>> z z^ g^<BR><BR>These are pretty standard phonological symbols (in NetSiouan form) for<BR>Siouan usage. People do usually use theta and edh for interdentals and<BR>in linguistic usage some people make a point of writing pharyngeal symbols<BR>for the back series in Stoney.<BR><BR>However, as you're discovering, the phonetic reality
may stray somewhat<BR>from the norm for the symbol. For example, Teton [I think!] and Winnebago<BR>have fairly definitely uvular values for the "velar" series.<BR><BR>The tendency of the s set to develop into interdentals (or labiodentals in<BR>Ofo) proably says something about the usual pronunciations of the s set.<BR>The laminal pronunciation you mention or anything more apical and less<BR>alveolar are likely.<BR><BR>Note that a fair number of American languages west of Siouan distinguish<BR>two s-sounds, one more alveolar and one more dental. I'm not clear on how<BR>laminality fits into this distinction. English speakers have a good deal<BR>of trouble with these distinctions because the two variants are both<BR>acoustically acceptable in English, and English speakers actually use a<BR>couple of different s sounds more or less at random, though consistently<BR>for particular speakers. Sometimes one variety or another is regarded as<BR>a speech defect or, going in the
other direction, becomes a trademark.<BR>Humphrey Bogart is famous for a very retracted s/z pronunciation. (I<BR>believe I cribbed all of this from my memory of an article by Bill Bright<BR>on s-dot.)<BR><BR>In Castillan Spanish and in Portuguese s is quite retracted. Castillian c<BR>and z are interdental or maybe it's really laminal. New World dialects<BR>generally conflate these two into an apical s/z set. Basque also has a<BR>three way contrast of s, s-dot, and s^, and I think Bob Rankin one told me<BR>that a three-way contrast was quite common in Mediaeval or Middle versions<BR>of European langauges, but has widely disappeared since then.<BR><BR>I'm pretty sure that something like an extreme laminality or apicality<BR>explains the LaFlesche use of c-cedilla for s, and failing a convenient<BR>coresponding voiced symbol he used the same for z, too. He prized his<BR>pronunciation of s/z and used symbols to insist on it. Dorsey mentions<BR>that members of the LaFlesche
family had what ammounted to a lisp. I<BR>forget his exact wording - the comment is in one of his manuscripts. If<BR>you look at the work of Fletcher and maybe Hamilton you'll notice that<BR>they write th for s in their transcriptions, and they worked extensively<BR>with the people of Francis LaFlesche's village. I suspect that other<BR>villages' pronunciations dominates modern usage and Dorsey's usage is<BR>probably based on what he encountered among the Ponca.<BR><BR>LaFlesche used his Omaha scheme as the basis for his Osage scheme, and so<BR>c-cedilla appears in Osage, which either doesn't have that kind of s, or<BR>has one not in the form LaFlesche's phonetic key leads one to expect.<BR>Very likely it wasn't really an interdental. That just seemed like the<BR>best approximation of what it was.<BR><BR>> We've also been aware that s and s^ have "muted" alternates s. and s^.,<BR>> which occur regularly before n, and sometimes elsewhere as well.<BR><BR>You'll find
many of these marked with "turned s" and "turned c" in<BR>Dorsey's printed texts. Copies of these I've made for people often have<BR>that distinction suppressed as subphonemic, of course!<BR><BR>> After some uncertainty, it seemed everyone agreed that Omaha [s] is made<BR>> with the tip of the tongue against the lower front teeth.<BR><BR>Or perhaps more critically, with the lamina or post-apical blade of the<BR>tongue approaching the upper teeth. Sometimes the apex end might touch<BR>the lower teeth, but it might not be the critical part of the gesture.<BR><BR>I looked ahead to crib the word laminal from Bryan, of course, though Bob<BR>Rankin has also described some of this to me. I was probably asleep when<BR>David Rood went through it still earlier ... (my sincere apologies to<BR>everyone over the years for this problem of mine).<BR><BR>> The difference between the Omaha [s] and the English [s] is hard to<BR>> detect by hearing.<BR><BR>Yes - even knowing the
stuff above I can't say that I was struck by it, so<BR>I'm plased to see you folsk looking into it so closely. I did try to<BR>determine whether s^/z^ were pronounced with lips rounded or not, but I<BR>don't recall my conclusions. Perhaps I never really got around to<BR>checking! I wondered about this because Bob Rankin had pointed out that<BR>these sounds are not rounded in some Dhegiha dialects.<BR><BR>> Second, the "muted" versions of s and s^ seem to be more widespread than we<BR>> had supposed. According to one of our speakers, we seem to have a minimal<BR>> triplet of words in the s series:<BR>><BR>> si 'foot' (<MVS *si)<br>> s.i 'seed' (<MVS *su)<br>> zi 'yellow' (<MVS *zi)<br><BR>It's interesting that you should find muted s in *su words. 'Quail' is<BR>another one, I think, and one that Dorsey is very puzzled about writing,<BR>but I'm not sure about the turkey word. We can probably get you a list of<BR>*su/*zu words if you like. I'm not
absolutely convinced that this is the<BR>same thing as the muting. But it is probably a reflex within the s of the<BR>*u. Perhaps the s is more rounded?<BR><BR>> The "muted" form seems to be indifferently voiced. Typically the<BR>> voicing for the following vowel or n begins in the middle of the<BR>> fricative, so it starts out unvoiced and shifts to voiced in the middle<BR>> of producing it. More importantly, I think the traditional "voiceless"<BR>> version is marked by a greater forcefulness in pushing the air through<BR>> the gap.<BR><BR>Producing a more breathy, sharp, or bright effect.<BR><BR>I emphatically support your impression that the distinction between<BR>voiceless and voiced fricatives is more one of "brightness" or, as you put<BR>it, "sharpness" vs. mutedness. I think voicing per se tends to be a bit<BR>secondary to muting or non-sharping (less breathy friction?). In Osage I<BR>think that voicing may not enter into the definition of z/z^/g^
(or gh) as<BR>much even as in OP. I don't remember whether fricatives are more muted<BR>before n is Osage. Osage has many fewer sn/s^n sequences, since some of<BR>the ones in OP represent sR/s^R, which come out st/s^t/sc/s^c in Osage.<BR>The sn/s^n sequences shared by both languages come from *sr/s^r / _VN.<BR><BR>The intermediate muted fricatives in OP before n are definitely somewhere<BR>in between the voiceless and voiced ones, and your early voicing (before<BR>the n) explanation makes perfect sense. I tend to put these intermediate<BR>forms with the voiceless or sharp ones, but this is somewhat arbitrary,<BR>since this is a context where voiceless and voiced or sharp and muted do<BR>not contrast.<BR><BR>What about x before dh? I don't think Dorsey pointed to any peculiar<BR>quality here, but logically x should be muted before gh.<BR><BR>> Finally, we come to our ever problematic x^/g^ sounds. These in fact to<BR>> not seem to be alternates in a single series.
They are made at<BR>> different articulation points. [x^] is more forward, I think between<BR>> the top of the tongue and the back of the hard palate. [g^] is farther<BR>> back, I believe between the back of the tongue and the velum or tonsils<BR>> or something.<BR><BR>This is wild - I had the same impression, but reversed! I though g^ was<BR>pretty much a velar (ach not ich) fricative, muted, more or less voiced,<BR>but that x was very bright, voiceless, but uvular fricative.<BR><BR>I am in no position to quibble about which of us is right about position.<BR>You may be right. I definitely remember being puzzled about how to say<BR>what was different apart from the sharpness/mutedness. I wonder if the<BR>really critical feature isn't that sharpness vs. mutedness and the<BR>differences in position, or perceived position, whatever they are due to<BR>our trying to hear the distinction in the wrong terms.<BR><BR>> The complete Omaha fricative set, as I'm
conceiving it now, is as follows:<BR>><BR>> alveolo-<BR>> alveolar palatal palatal velar glottal<BR>><BR>> forced s s^ x^ h<BR>><BR>> muted s. s^. g^<BR>><BR>> voiced z z^<BR><BR>I think this is phonetically correct, barring my uncertainty about the<BR>actual position of x (you write x^). I don't think that the three way<BR>mutedness distinction is necessary in writing. The middle row can be<BR>merged with the top or bottom row as long as people know how to pronounce<BR>particular tokens. The traditional solution would be to write the muted<BR>forms with the voiceless symbols. In the same way we don't make a point<BR>of marking aspiration on ptk in English so we can leave it off in sp st<BR>sk.<BR><BR>> Looking at it this way, the g^ should probably be replaced by another<BR>> symbol, say [x.].<BR><BR>I strongly recommend against this for two reasons:<BR><BR>- g^ or gh (gamma) is the usual symbol for the phonemic element<BR><BR>- the gh
spelling (or something approximating gamma) was agreed upon<BR>independently by both the Ponca and Omahas spelling projects and there is<BR>nothing to be gained by flipflopping on this now<BR><BR>I'd say, stick with x and gamma, and write gamma the way it has been.<BR>Just write better pronunciation guides.<BR><BR>A third issue might be that pronunciation is not likely to be so uniform,<BR>as your relatively small sample suggests, and is even less likely to have<BR>been so the past. Moreover, it has undoubtedly changed over time. Dorsey<BR>may nor have been hearing exactly what we hear.<BR><BR>Have you looked at the famous initial gh/medial x words, e.g.,<BR><BR>ghage' 'to cry'<BR><BR>or gaghe vs. gaxe?<BR>bighoN vs. bixoN?<BR><BR>Do you hear waxe 'whiteman' as waxe or waghe? How about 'ice'? Nughe or<BR>nuxe?<BR><BR></BLOCKQUOTE><BR><p>
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