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<p><tt>> Yes, aWa is an example. 'Snow' is another and so are a couple of instrumental prefixes. In a few cases it is clear that W is a result of *w+w, where an intervening vowel underwent syncope. In other instances it is possible that a laryngeal+w sequence collapsed. The sequence *w+r has similar reflexes in one chronological stratum of vocabulary. I have a discussion of "funny" R and W in the Comparative Method article in the Handbook of Historical Linguistics.<br>
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<tt>Thanks, Bob! I've found and read the section on "funny" R, but I don't see anything on "funny" W. Do you have any examples offhand for the *w+w, laryngeal+w and *w+r cases?</tt><br>
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<tt>So *R is the phoneme behind the Dakhota/Nakhota/Lakhota divide? I.e., *Rakhota ? What about Assiniboine and Stoney? Where do they come out?</tt><br>
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<tt>And *R => d in IOM and Winnebago, n in Crow (-Hidatsa ?), n in Biloxi and Tutelo, l in Ofo, t in Quapaw and Osage, d in Kansa, and of course n in OP. Is Mandan unknown?</tt><br>
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<tt>And *W => w in Dakotan and Winnebago, I believe, which isn't hugely helpful to the model I proposed earlier today.</tt><br>
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<tt>Very nice article, by the way! I'll have to read the whole thing when I get a chance.</tt><br>
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<tt>Rory</tt><br>
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