[gothic-l] Re: Scandinavian Inscriptions - East/North/West Germanic
akoddsson
konrad_oddsson at YAHOO.COM
Wed Mar 10 11:51:46 UTC 2004
--- In gothic-l at yahoogroups.com, "llama_nom" <penterakt at f...> wrote:
> > The E-W-N classification system for the inscriptions (aka
> Antonsen) is not really realistic, in my view.
>
> I'd like to know more about this. Are you saying it's unrealistic
only in the context of the Scandinavian inscriptions, or unrealistic
per se?
Only in the context of Scandinavian inscriptions. My basic rule is:
it belongs where it was found unless proven otherwise. Antonsen has
some Scandinavian inscriptions listed under east or west along with
actual territorial east and west inscriptions. He classified these
according to certain ideas about the language (1975).
The usual assumption with the (admittedly sparse) south
> east European inscriptions is that Gothic -s (from Gmc -z or -s)
is spelt with the S-rune (cf. Szabadbattyan, Kovel, Letcani). Are
there any clear examples of S being used for etymological Gmc Z in
the Scandinavian corpus?
Not that I can recall. We discussed awings (Denmark).
And if there were, would this be evidence
> for East Gmc? What, if anything, would consitute evidence?
See above. Antonsen lists awings as east germanic #93 due to this.
The
> change z > R (palatal voiced alveolar) doesn't show up in runic
spelling, so that might make it difficult to distinguish between the
ancestors of North and East Gmc dialects.
This is the classic dilemma of whether to write R or z. z always
becomes R and R is always from z, at least in north germanic. What
should we write? I just write z because its lower case. More then
likely, z - R cannot be dated. However, R could mutate preceeding
vowels, some of which are shown in inscriptions. There is evidence
of this in Old Norse and Old English as well.
And when did z > r in
> West Germanic?
400+ for sure, but how much later I'm not sure. We could look it up.
> Latin, I think, had no way of distinguishing [s] and [z], but
maybe there is evidence from Greek records of barbarian names -
except that the most common example (the usual nominative singular
ending) is usually obscured in classical writings by the Greek/Latin
terminations.
Unfortunately true.
> Something I've always wondered is, how much evidence actually
exists for the traditional list of the "East Germanic" tribes:
Vandals, Sueves, Gepids, Herulians, Skirians, Rugians, Burgundians,
etc. Are there specific Gothic-like features discernable in names,
loan words, legal terms, or whatever - or is this list made largely
on the basis of assumed geagraphical origin/habitation?
This is outside of my sphere ;) However, the Rugians would appear to
be from Rogaland in Norway. Bornholm is also an island off the south
of Sweden. It's called borgundarhólmr in Old Norse. While this alone
does not prove anything, the names look very suspicious. How many of
the limited germanic groups used these names for themselves?
> The one example that does come to mind, is the name of the Vandal
dynastic founder twin Raus (cf. Modern German: Rohr). There is also
the French roseau 'reed', probably borrowed from either the
Visigoths or the Burgundians, as far as I know.
> > But would I be
right in thinking that when an inscription consists of a single name
it is usually in the nominative?
> > No, there are examples of genitive only, like keþan in Norway
and several others of this type. If a name occurs by itself on a
stone and in the genitive, then it means that the stone/memorial
belongs to this person.
> Ah yes, thanks for putting me right there - and I've just
remembered the Caister inscription from England: RAIHAN, which is
taken to mean "of a deer".
Yes, this is the common gen.sg.masc.n-stem at this north/west stage.
> However, there was no æ rune (always long). Writers
used both -ai and -e (ê) to represent this sound, in verbs from the
original *-æ- and in dat.sgs. from monothongization of ai to æ'(also
written ê, but not identical to regular long ê). If Antonsen is
right in thinking that the sixth vowel rune, which was discontinued
before the old inscriptions, represented æ' (as in *jæ'ran), then it
disappeared because of stressed æ'-to-â change in NG, leaving the æ'
in unstressed positions to be represented by -ai or -e, which never
represents this sound in stressed positions. Thus, talgidai is just
as normal as talgide, as far as spelling goes.
> > The unstressed æ'(ê) in the 3rd sg.pres. of weak verbs is NWG,
not just proto-norse. It predates the earliest inscriptions.
> So where does ô fit into all this?, as on the Gallehus horn:
TAWIDO.
1st person sg. past indicative: tawidô
I'll post the Gallehus Horn to Theudiskon for our grammar exercise.
> I wonder if the convention of equating /e/ and /ai/ spread beyond
Scandinavia. If so, that undermines the usefulness of the form U(N)
ThF(I)NTHAI, on the Charnay fibula, for establishing the value
of /ai/ in Gothic (or Burgundian in this case). Which is a shame...
There simply was no rune at this stage to represent æ', whether from
original unstressed æ' or from monothongization of unstressed ai to
æ'. UAIEO were the only vowel options, hence E for both E and Ê, AI
for AI, but E or AI for unstressed Æ'.
> > there still wouldn't have to be
many anomalies to completely throw modern researchers. In these
cases, as you've said, a default assumption of Norse seems best.
> > True, any anomality, even a scrible, can throw modern
researchers. A grade school teacher teaching the alphabet and
spelling might be in a good position to access the frequency of
mistakes/mispellings ;)
> Mine more than most, I think...
I still can't spell english worth a damn. I need a dictionary ;)
> > Llama, join Theudiskon at yahoogroups if you haven't already.
There is no topic there except the language and runic inscription
are not off topic. You clearly have an interest in the early language
(s) ;)
>
> Thanks for the tip - I shall!
See you there. We can post, read, compare and discuss all the runes
we want there.
Regards,
Konrad
> Llama Nom
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