Neogrammarian vs. other sound change
Emmon Bach
ebach at linguist.umass.edu
Wed Jan 30 16:37:24 UTC 2008
bjoseph at ling.ohio-state.edu wrote:
> Andrew is absolutely right that there is the one remaining issue still
> to be resolved. At the risk of sounding self-serving, let me say that
> Rich Janda and I gave an answer to this (at least implicitly) in our
> 2003 paper on a "'big bang' model of sound change" (published in the
> Benjamins volume arising out of the 2001 ICHL in Melbourne, edited by
> Barry Blake and Kate Burridge). We located regularity in the initial
> onset of a sound change, where phonetic factors are paramount. We
> envision that as relatively brief (hence the parallel to the "Big
> Bang" in physics) and after that, extensions along a number of
> parameters are possible. One is further phonetic generalization (thus
> giving regularity of broader scope than at the initial "big bang" (and
> generalization to a broader set of input sounds is also possible), but
> lexical, grammatical, or social lines of generalization can be
> followed. To our way of thinking, the crucial thing about sound
> change proper is the phoneticity -- with conditions that are purely
> phonetic in nature (which we envision as the essential starting point,
> the "big bang") regularity follows automatically since that is the
> most elemental and the most broadly applicable type of conditioning.
> Once the forces of generalization set in post-big bang (assuming they
> do -- they need not), phoneticity can disappear, and there is no
> guarantee of regularity (though it could occur, as noted with regard
> to hypercorrection and other sorts of rule-governed behavior).
>
> --Brian
>
> Brian D. Joseph
> The Ohio State University
>
> Quoting Andrew Garrett <garrett at berkeley.edu>:
>
>> While I am disposed by training and impulse to agree fully with Brian's
>> comments, about the distinction between Neogrammarian sound change (or
>> sound change proper) and other types of changes in sounds, I think the
>> jury is actually still out on one crucial question. This is the
>> question of precisely when regularity actually emerges in the series of
>> unfolding events that we retrospectively see as Neogrammarian sound
>> change. The view that was maybe implicit in some Neogrammarians'
>> thinking, and that I have taught from time to time, is that the
>> regularity effect arises in innovation and not in diffusion -- for
>> example, that the very first person to have a changed pronunciation
>> will (presumably) vary in whether s/he uses the changed pronunciation
>> on any particular occasion, but that it will be just as likely to
>> appear in all words that conform to the relevant phonological
>> generalization. An alternative view is that the first person to have a
>> changed pronunciation really does use it only in one word but not in
>> other words that are phonologically equivalent, and that the regularity
>> effect arises somehow in the process of sociolinguistic diffusion, i.e.
>> as the phonetic effect (sound change) acquires some sociolinguistic
>> traction. This view was propounded as early as 1901 by Benjamin Ide
>> Wheeler (a Neogrammarian student and incidentally at the time the
>> President of the University of California); the obvious disadvantage of
>> this view is that it becomes unclear why we should (at least usually)
>> encounter the regularity effect, but it's a view that finds a congenial
>> home in much present-day sociophonetics. To my mind, the question
>> remains unresolved.
>>
>> The relevance of the question is that if Neogrammarian sound change,
>> i.e. the regularity effect, only arises in the course of
>> sociolinguistic diffusion, then it is not so clear that there is
>> actually a meaningful distinction between Neogrammarian sound change
>> and socially driven change (assuming that we allow the latter to be
>> "unconscious"). Indeed, Wheeler's own explanation of the regularity
>> effect invoked precisely what Sally referred to as correspondence rules
>> (borrowing routines): his idea was that (say) you produce a fronted /u/
>> in just one word, for example "cool", I hear that fronted /u/ in your
>> speech and I know it corresponds to a non-fronted /u/ in my speech, I
>> think you're worth imitating, and I generalize a pattern whereby
>> non-fronted /u/ corresponds to fronted /u/ more generally. This
>> approach also has obvious analogs in more recent Labovian work. I don't
>> mean to say that I agree with this analysis, but it strikes me that we
>> don't yet know where the truth lies.
>>
>> -- Andrew
>>
>> Andrew Garrett
>> UC Berkeley
>>> ------------------------------
>>>
>>> Message: 3
>>> Date: Sat, 26 Jan 2008 09:51:20 -0500 (EST)
>>> From: Brian Joseph <bjoseph at ling.ohio-state.edu>
>>> Subject: Re: [Histling-l] 'Reversed change' dialect borrowing
>>> To: thomason at umich.edu (Sally Thomason)
>>> Cc: histling-l at mailman.rice.edu
>>>
>>> Greetings -- this discussion is most interesting, and I would
>>> like to add just a few observations; even if they are not directly
>>> on target, I think this is an appropriate forum to mention them
>>> and they are in any case provoked by the recent postings.
>>>
>>> First, even though no one has actually said this, so in a
>>> sense I am either responding to a straw man or preaching to
>>> the choir, let me note that this discussion shows why it is
>>> useful to be precise about what we mean by "sound change". In the
>>> cases brought out here, the event that was reversed was
>>> a Neogrammarian-style (i.e. regular and phonetically driven)
>>> sound change, what I like to call "sound change proper" or
>>> "sound change in the strict sense" (or even simply "Neogrammarian
>>> sound change") whereas the reversing event is a socially-driven
>>> change. Terminology is always tricky to be sure, but I would love
>>> it if the term "sound change" were restricted to "sound
>>> change proper" and some other term were invented for "changes in
>>> sounds that are not sound change (in the strict sense)". I often
>>> tell my classes that as paradoxically as it might seem, not every
>>> change in the sounds of a word is a matter of sound change (analogical
>>> change, clippings, tabu deformation, and so on are all the sorts of
>>> "other events" that can lead to changes in the pronunciation of a
>>> word that are not Neogrammarian sound change in the strict sense).
>>>
>>> Second, socially-driven events of change *can* show regularity (though
>>> they need not), but typically lack the phonetic basis that is a
>>> hallmark
>>> of Neogrammarian sound change. We see this sort of thing in
>>> hypercorrection all the time (Peter's.
>>>
>>> Finally, it reminds me of what I said at my ICHL presentation this past
>>> summer, namely that when we get right down to it, social factors can
>>> trump everything else in change (or everything except for the most
>>> basic
>>> immutable universal foundational aspects of language, to the extent
>>> there
>>> are any and if there are to the extent we can identify them).
>>>
>>> --Brian
>>>
>>> Brian D. Joseph
>>> The Ohio State University
>>
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>
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Dear All,
I think the paper Bob Harms and I wrote aeons ago is relevant to some of
this discussion.
Cheers to all, Emmon
--
Professor Emmon Bach
22 Coniston Rd
London N10 2BP
UK
home telephone: (0)20 8444 4647
SOAS telephone: (0)20 7898 4593
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