[Lexicog] Dissertation on "like"
Rudolph C Troike
rtroike at U.ARIZONA.EDU
Tue Sep 6 05:25:20 UTC 2005
(In case you are not a regular reader of the Linguist List)
If you, like, are, like, one of those, like, who, like, use, like, "like"
like before and like after every other, like, word, or if this practice
drives you up the wall, you may be surprised and interested to know that
it has, like, fostered a growing body of linguistic research, of which
this is, like, the, like, latest. Lexicographical entries (e.g. OED) may
have to be, like, revised.
Rudy Troike
* *
LINGUIST List 16.2552
Mon Sep 05 2005
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From: Alexandra D'Arcy <alex.darcy [address-marker.gif] utoronto.ca>
Subject: Like: Syntax and Development
Institution: University of Toronto
Program: Department of Linguistics
Dissertation Status: Completed
Degree Date: 2005
Author: Alexandra D'Arcy
Dissertation Title: Like: Syntax and Development
Dissertation Director(s):
Sali Tagliamonte
Dissertation Abstract:
Discourse LIKE, as in (1), is one of the most salient features of
present-day vernacular English.
(1) a. LIKE, Carrie's LIKE a little LIKE out-of-it but LIKE she's the
funniest. (3/T/f/18)
b. Well, you just cut out LIKE a girl figure and a boy figure.
(N/8/f/75)
It is overtly stigmatized and associated with adolescents, where it is
perceived as a crutch for lexical indecision (e.g., Diamond 2000;
Siegel 2000). In the literature, LIKE is sometimes characterized as a
'meaningless interjection' (OED) that can be used 'grammatically
anywhere' (Siegel 2002:64).
Descriptions such as these suggest that LIKE is unconstrained, yet
language, despite inherent variability, is rule-governed (see also
Underhill 1988; Andersen 2001).
LIKE has received much attention in the pragmatic literature (e.g.,
Schourup 1983; Andersen 1997 et seq.), but it has never been
investigated from a variationist perspective. Consequently, this
dissertation presents an accountable analysis of LIKE in a large corpus
of contemporary English. The hypothesis developed in this work is that
LIKE is not random, but interacts with syntactic structure in regular
and predictable ways. To address this issue, the variable context is
circumscribed according to structural criteria and the analyses are
embedded within current Minimalist Theory (e.g., Chomsky 1995 et
seq.). Over 20,000 structurally defined contexts are examined,
comprising data from 97 speakers between the ages of 10 and 87.
This method reveals that LIKE is 1) highly constrained by the syntax
and 2) occurs in specific positions among speakers of all ages. Indeed,
examination of language-internal constraints reveals that the community
shares a single variable grammar for LIKE (Poplack & Tagliamonte 2001).
This feature is shown to have developed gradually and systematically,
arriving at its current state through regular processes of language
change. Using the grammaticalization models proposed by Traugott (1997
[1995]) and Brinton (forthcoming), it is argued that after initially
developing as a discourse marker, where it occurs clause-initially and
links sequences of dialogue (Fraser 1988, 1990), LIKE then begins to
enter syntactic structure, spreading to one maximal projection at a time.
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