[Lexicog] Re: Words that are absent in particular languages
John Roberts
dr_john_roberts at SIL.ORG
Wed Mar 29 19:57:21 UTC 2006
I wouldn't say that lexical lacuna is entirely due to cultural influences.
The syntactic and semantic systems of the language also affect the lexicon.
Here are a few examples.
There is a limited range of syntactic functions in the clause that can be
questioned.
Typology of interrogative categories
The major categories: PERSON, THING, SELECTION, PLACE
The minor categories: QUANTITY, MANNER, TIME
The incidental categories: REASON, QUALITY, EXTENT, POSITION, ACTION, RANK,
etc.
Arawakan (Peru) apparently has one question word for everything. So a
speaker of Arawakan has no option but to use that one question word.
Compare English and Amele (Papuan) below. Amele makes a number of further
distinctions than English. E.g. in Amele 'who' can be singular or plural, or
definite or indefinite. English, on the other hand, has syntactic
distinctions of 'who' (nom), 'whom' (acc) and 'whose' (gen).
English interrogative words Amele interrogative words
PERSON who/whom/ in (sg), an (pl) (definite reference)
'who'
whose itah (sg), atah (pl)
(indefinite reference) 'who'
THING what cel (definite reference) 'what'
cala (indefinite reference)
'what'
eeta 'what'
SELECTION which cel (sg), ail (pl) 'which'
PLACE where ana (from ene 'here', ono 'there')
ai (from i 'this', eu
'that', ou 'yonder')
SOURCE whence ana=dec 'where from'
GOAL whither ai=sec 'which way'
QUANTITY how many ganic 'how many, how much'
how much
MANNER how adi 'how'
TIME when adec (vb) 'to when', cel saen
'what time', ganih 'when'
REASON why eeta=nu 'what for'
Some possible contrasts for person/thing:
animate/inanimate
masculine/feminine
singular/plural
honorific/familiar
Contrasts for place:
Lezgian (Nakh-Dagestanian, Dagestan, Haspelmath 1993: 188)
hinag 'where'
hiniz 'where to' (Dative)
hinin 'where of' (Genitive)
hinaj 'where from' (Elative)
hina 'where at' (Adessive
hinal 'where on' (Superessive)
hinra 'where in' (Inessive)
Contrasts for time:
Tuvalu (Austronesian, Tuvalu, Besnier 2000: 430)
aafea 'when'
anafea 'when (in the past)'
maafea 'when (in the present)'
Contrasts for quantity:
count/mass
Amele has an inalienably possessed noun system. The referents are kinship
relations, body parts and personal attributes. So you cannot say 'father'.
You have to say 'my father', 'his father', etc. You cannot say 'head'. You
have to say 'our head', 'their head', etc. You cannot say 'shame'. You have
to say 'your shame', 'her shame', etc. Within the kinship terms there is a
morphological difference between kin relations you are born with, e.g.
'father', 'grandparent', and those you acquire after birth, e.g. 'wife',
'son'. So Amele has a range of lexical expressions which are grammatically
possessed. English, by contrast, does not have such a set of lexical
expressions and notions such as 'father', 'head', 'shame' can be expressed
without the idea of 'belonging to someone'.
Talmy (1985) pointed out there is a crucial typological difference in the
ways that different languages conflate semantic features in motion verbs.
The conflation of MOTION + MANNER is very common among the Indo-European
languages such as English, which has many verbs like 'saunter', 'crawl',
'stroll', etc. But it is not common in the Romance languages, Semitic
languages, Polynesian languages, most Bantu and Mayan languages, and
Japanese. In these languages the prevailing pattern of conflation is MOTION
+ PATH. Amele prefers this pattern too. E.g. tec 'go up', bec 'come up', noc
'go down', nec 'come down'. lec 'go inside', ahoc GET+COME 'bring', ehec
GET+GO 'take'.
There are probably many other examples of this type of thing, but this is
all I could think of at the moment.
John Roberts
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