Arguments for VP
LFG List
dalrympl at parc.xerox.com
Wed Mar 4 00:48:39 UTC 1998
Referring to George Broadwell's message of 2/27:
> If you'll indulge me, here are four arguments in GB for a VP in Choctaw.
> I'd like to see which translate to valid arguments in LFG.
>
> a.) subject -object asymmetries in binding. These suggest asymmetric
> c-command in GB, but this is not a valid argument in LFG, since binding
> relationships are defined over f-structures.
--And also a-structures (see recent CSLI books by Manning and Alsina,
and Bresnan 1995 "Morphology Competes with Syntax"--reference below).
> b.) a variety of evidence that SOV is more basic than OSV or SVO. Objects
> in these non-canonical positions show morphological and intonational
> evidence of being displaced.
> I am unsure about the validity of these arguments in LFG -- it seems that a
> flat structure for S and a structure with a VP are both compatible with the
> evidence.
There are several types of LFG analyses of "displacements":
(i) nonconfigurationality (Kroeger 1993 CSLI book, Austin and Bresnan
1996 NLLT article, Nordlinger 1997 Stanford Ph.D. dissertation
available by anonymous ftp from
ftp-csli.stanford.edu/linguistics/Papers/nordlinger-diss.ps), (ii)
scrambling (e.g. Choi 1996 dissertation, also Bresnan 1995 paper
"Morphology Competes with Syntax" available on my web site
http://www-csli.stanford.edu/users/bresnan/download.html), (iii)
various types of topicalization and dislocation (e.g. King 1995 CSLI
book, Bresnan and Mchombo 1987 Lg article, Bresnan 1994 Lg article,
and Bresnan 1995; (iv) Object Shift (see Sells 1998; sells at csli.stanford.edu).
> c.) Some adverbials appear only before the V or before the OBJ but nowhere
> else. It's possible, then, to say that they must be daughters of VP, but
> not daughters of S. This argument seems valid to me.
Sounds good. Alsina's dissertation and (I believe) his 1996 CSLI book
use a similar argument bearing on the c-structure of Romance
causatives. In general word-order evidence is very strong evidence
for constituency in LFG, because c-structure constrains the ordering
and grouping of overt constituents.
> d.) Some proforms (approximately equal to "do so" in English) seem to refer
> to the V + OBJ as a constituent. I am unsure whether LFG wants to assume
> that proforms refer to constituents.
This is not a theory-internal matter. Both this hypothesis and its
opposite can and have been made in various frameworks, including LFG.
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