TOPIC, FOCUS and relatives. (Longish)
Helge Dyvik
helge.dyvik at LILI.UIB.NO
Wed Mar 22 16:15:53 UTC 2000
Two points, one about existentials and relatives, the other about
TOPIC vs. FOCUS:
1. Existentials and relatives
I may not have fully understood the point about existentials. Why
would the assumption that the relativized element is a TOPIC lead us
to expect that the demoted subject cannot be relativized? Demoted
subjects certainly can be topicalized; cf. Norwegian (where
existentials occur with a wider range of verbs than in English):
("I am looking for some newspapers. Do you have any?")
Aviser ligger det på bordet
newspapers lie there.SUBJ on the-table (NB! Not interpretable as
"Newspapers lie *there*, on the table")
'As for newspapers, there are some lying on the table'
As for Joan's ill-formed examples:
#Someone who there is being interviewed...
??It's JOHN who there is being interviewed.
it seems to me that their ill-formedness is accounted for by the
referential/scope-related properties of the correlate (someone/John),
which are not compatible with the restrictions on the demoted subject
in existentials. True, one can say "There is someone being
interviewed", but crucially 'someone' is in the scope of 'there' in
that sentence. Non-referential bare nouns, and narrow-scope-inducing
'any', on the other hand, seem (admittedly to a non-native speaker)
to work well:
"John is hopeless. He said he couldn't find ice cream, which there is
in the freezer, or beer, which there is in the fridge."
...any mistakes which there may have been... (Dick Hudson)
2. TOPIC vs. FOCUS
Further examples which suggest that relatives pattern with topic
constructions come from topic prominent languages. In a topic
prominent language like Vietnamese - and actually also in more topic
prominent stages of a Germanic language like Old Norse - we find a
topic-comment construction where the relationship between topic and
comment is such that the topic does not necessarily fill a syntactic
function within the comment. In Vietnamese, for example, we may have:
Cây này lá lón quá
tree that leaf big exceed, i.e. "That tree the leaves are too big"
'As for that tree, the leaves are too big.'
In Old Norse (Old Icelandic + Old Norwegian) we sometimes find the
same phenomenon:
Thæssa luti sem nu hæfir thu spurda tha ma ec thec æigi sannfrodan
gøra til fullz
these things that now have you asked then may I you not knowledgable make fully
'As for the things you have asked about now, I am not able to make
you fully informed'
In both languages relative clauses display the same phenomenon: we
find relative clauses in which there is no 'gap' corresponding to the
head of the NP:
Môt cái cây mà lá lón quá...
one CL tree REL leaf big exceeding...
'a tree whose leaves are too big'
Minnzt thærs at marghr lifir sa litla rid er længi lifir athæfi hans
æptir hann
remember that that many lives he little while REL long lives
reputation his after him, i.e. "Remember that many a man lives a
little while that his reputation lives long after him"
The fact that such relatives seem to cooccur with such topic-comment
constructions suggests that the basic relation is the same: both the
topic and the NP head "limit the applicability" of the predication of
the comment and the relative clause, respectively, "to a certain
restricted domain" (to paraphrase Wallace Chafe's old
characterization of the topic relation).
Helge Dyvik
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Helge J. Jakhelln Dyvik
Department of Linguistics and Comparative Literature
Section for Linguistic Studies
University of Bergen Phone: +47 55582261
Sydnesplass 7 Fax: +47 55589354
N-5007 Bergen, Norway E-mail: helge.dyvik at lili.uib.no
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