qu: reconstruction effects

[Ash Asudeh]

Hi Florian, Joan and list members

I don't know of any recent LFG work on reconstruction in picture NPs in
particular, but I talk about reconstruction with respect to relational
noun binding in LFG in a recent paper that's available from my website
("The resumptive puzzle of relational nouns"). The discussion is on page
28ff.

Also, in my thesis I discuss reconstruction in the final section of
chapter 3, in section 5.1.5.1 of chapter 5, and in section 6.2.7 of
chapter 6. The thesis is not generally available yet, but the final
version will be posted at my website by the end of the month.

In chapter 5 I also make the point that Joan makes below, namely that
"reconstruction" is a consequence of structure-sharing. Interestingly,
there are reconstruction-like effects for resumptive pronouns in Swedish
questions that are absent in corresponding relative clauses.

Ash

On Thu, 5 Feb 2004, Joan Bresnan wrote:

> See Bresnan 2001, Ch. 13 and particularly the historical note on
> p. 301.  Picture nouns are not discussed there, but gerundive and AP phrases
> are.  In a nutshell, the structure-sharing of lfg extractions already
> entails what are now called "reconstruction effects", as was already
> noted in 1980.
>
> J.
>
> > Hello everyone,
> >
> > are there any recent LFG accounts on binding in picture NPs or did that
> > get
> > out of focus/grammar? Here an example:
> >
> > (1) Peter saw a picture of himself/him.
> > (2) Peter saw Mary's [who else] picture of himself/him.
> >
> > (no judgments intended; though Keller & Asudeh clearly show that (1) is
> > ok/* and (2) is ok/ok)
> >
> > I am aware of Asudeh, Keller, Runner et al. on the
> > experimental/theoretical
> > side and Dalrymple's discussion in her '93 book (I couldn't find anything
> > about it in the 2001 book; neither did I see anything about picture NPs in
> > Bresnan 2001).
> >
> > I am especially interested in any discussion of reconstruction effects, as
> > in the examples below (we probably won't find reconstruction IN LFG =),
> > but
> > maybe discussion of it?):*
> >
> > (3) Which picture of himself/him did Peter buy?
> >
> > Some people have argued that the acceptability of an anaphor (confirmed by
> > an experiment I finished) in (3) is due to reconstruction of the fronted
> > wh-phrase in LF. This raises other problems (movement is not compatible
> > with certain order effects in which-phrases, Pesetsky 1982, but there are
> > problems with the interpretation of which-phrases if not moved, Reinhart
> > 1990, etc.). So, some people have suggested something that allows
> > anaphoric
> > chains to be accessible to binding (e.g. Barss 1986, as cited by Cheng
> > 1997). In other words, the whole story isn't that beautiful.
> >
> > Thx a lot for your attention,
> >
> > Florian
> >
> > ========================================
> >
> > *Thx to Ash for bringing those examples to my attention.
>