Baku: Interview of Muhammad Solih, Uzbek opposition figure

[Harold F. Schiffman]

Interview of Muhammad Solih to Arena

Published: 28.04.2006
Serious work with Karimovs regime starts, watch the developments

CASCFEN, Baku, 28.04.2006 -- Muhammad Solih, famous Uzbek opposition
figure, who in early 1990s created Birlik movement and Erk party, lost
presidential elections to Islam Karimov and was forced to leave Uzbekistan
in 1993, gave an exclusive interview to Arena.

Arena: The experience of the past years has shown that the power,
concentrated in the hands of one person, inevitably leads to a regime of
open despotism. In this regard, what is your view on the need to abolish
the presidential republic and establish a parliamentary republic in
Uzbekistan?

Solih: Our first task is to abolish the anti-people regime of Islam
Karimjv, then hold free elections, where the people will elect their
president according to the existing constitution, and only then the issue
of changing the form of state management can be discussed and put to a
referendum. At the current stage, it is too early and unrealistic to talk
about the parliamentary republic in Uzbekistan.

Arena: The language issues are not brought up in Uzbekistan, although it
is one of the most problematic ones. What do you think about giving the
Russian language the official status? And the Tajik language, since there
is a large Tajik community, which is virtually deprived of its cultural
and national rights? Do you think it is sensible to give these languages
an official status, and then ask for the same from the neighbors in terms
of the Uzbek language?

Solih: I dont quite understand what you mean by the fact of deprival of
rights of ethnic communities. So far, I am concerned with violations of
elementary human rights in Uzbekistan, independent of the nationality. As
for the status of the languages, I have a firm opinion on this. There are
about 7% Russian-speaking and 4.5% Tajik-speaking people in Uzbekistan.
All of them communicate perfectly well in Russian, both in their
day-to-day and public lives. All of them speak Russian and can be easily
understood by others. Before giving an official status to Russian or Tajik
languages, the problem of Uzbek language as a state language should be
solved. Does this language fulfill the function imposed onto it by the
constitution? I dont think so.

The law on state language, if I am not mistaken, was adopted in October
1989. According to that document, the term to learn the state language was
set at eight years. This means that in eight-years time all officials in
the state structures should know the state language. Seventeen years have
passed, but all members of the Karimovs government continue speaking
Russian, as they used to. President Karimov himself, if he speaks Uzbek,
makes one want to close ears with hands, his speech is so illiterate. The
documents in Tashkent are run in Russian, officials make their speeches in
Russian, they speak Russian at home and in the street. That is, Russian is
virtually an official language in the country. At least on the top, in the
capital city. By this, I mean that I dont see any language discrimination
of the ethnic groups.

Arena: What can you say to people accusing you of nationalism? In late
1980s and early 1990s, national slogans could be heard at Birlik meetings,
and city educational department telephoned schools and warned teachers and
parents of European nationalities so that they did not let children go out
in the street alone. Some circles in Uzbekistan believe that this was an
achievement of Muhammad Solih, Abdurakhim Polat and others.

Solih: This impression was created by the KGB, in order to sow antipathy
to the policy of glasnost and perestroika in the society. Neither me, nor
Polat, nor others called for actions against representatives of other
nationalities. Neither then, nor after the independence was proclaimed. If
there were separate cases of provocative actions, they were clearly
inspired by the secret services, and I have always warned my associates
about this, personally and publicly. Only separate individuals and
organizations, interested in creating enmity to the opposition, can blame
the Uzbek opposition in double nationalism. We stood against demonstration
of chauvinism in relation to our native language and we tried to defend
the national values, and this was our right. That was how I defended then.
If Russians were not proud that they are Russian and didnt speak about
this everywhere, I would have forgotten that I am Uzbek long ago. Any
national self-consciousness is based on an opposite factor, which
stimulates and nurtures it. Our then nationalism was driven off the
Russian chauvinism. This was our instinct of self-preservation, nothing
more. One should not mix nationalism with racism. Racism is based on
humiliation of other races, while nationalism is a reaction against racism
and chauvinism. The nationalism may be positive only on the stage when the
nation has to be preserved, not more than that.

For example, today Uzbeks dont need nationalism, because there is no
threat of assimilation with a larger nation, neither in cultural or
demographic sense. This is why we, the politicians and idealists of the
Gorbachevs epoch, despise plebeian nationalism of Karimovs regime, which
tries to stand up at the expense of humiliation of its own compatriots, or
neo-aborigines. This issue is very important, and this is why I would like
to cite a small paragraph from my address to the fifth congress of Erk
party, which took place in 2003. In the cities and regions of the country,
most of our compatriots attribute themselves to the national minority (I
dont like this term, national minority). They should not be left aside of
our partys policy. They are our compatriots, who share our fate. Yes,
during perestroika we put forward our national identity. This was needed
to assert ourselves against the communist chauvinism. Now, when we say
people or nation, we mean our citizen, living in our country and
considering this land their motherland, regardless of nationality. We
categorically reject racism and chauvinism, no matter where it originates
from.

Arena: Who do you think Uzbekistan should support partner relations in the
economic and political sense  liberal west, Islamic states or good old
ally Russia?

Solih: Of course, in the first place, with our closest neighbors Central
Asian states, Russia, China, Afghanistan. Then with all states that want
to see our contry a democratic and economically developed states, EU
states and the US. Surely, we have to strengthen ties with states calling
themselves Islamic.

Arena: How do you evaluate rapprochement of Uzbekistan with Russia and
almost full break of relations with the US?

Solih: I would sincerely welcome rapprochement of Uzbekistan and Russia,
if this rapprochement did not take place on the bloody background of
Andijan genocide, if this rapprochement did not take place at the expense
of further distance from democratic reforms, if it did not assist
increased crackdown of Karimovs despotism. Some apologists of the Russian
foreign policy are trying to portray Putin as a savior of Central Asia.
But I dont think such metaphor is appropriate, since Putin saved a hangman
of its own people. Break of relations with the US was inevitable, because
their continuation after Andijan would mean denial by the Americans of
their own principles.  Presence of Americans, even military one, had a
positive influence on our society. We had to choose between the honor of
democracy and the US presence. We chose the honor of democracy. To the USs
honor, they also chose it. We lost it in the close perspective the
repressions strengthened, but we won in the long run we didnt betray our
principles, and this increased the peoples trust in our fight.

Arena: Can you give a forecast of the forthcoming presidential elections
in January 2007? Will Karimov remain in power? If not, who is the possible
candidate to the presidents post?

Solih: I dont like forecasts, but our party is preparing to participate in
the presidential elections of 2007 in all directions. Firstly, we are
expecting to receive a legal evaluation of the verdict of the Uzbek court
against me (1999) from the United Nations Committee for Human Rights. This
will give me an international legitimacy to return to Uzbekistan,
irrespective of whether Karimovs regime accepts the UN decision or not.

Secondly, finally influential western political figures (not to say
states) started showing interest to our region, in the search of a new
Central Asian policy. Finally, our people have overcome the fear that had
in the past helped to make the life of Karimovs regime longer. Whats left
now is to organize a protest energy of masses, in order to direct it into
peaceful change of these authorities.

Arena: Do you link long-term imprisonment of the leader of opposition
Sunshine Uzbekistan coalition Sanjar Umarov with the fact that he could
become a competitor to the current president on the coming elections?

Solih: Today, any smart person can become a competitor to Karimov and win
the democratic elections  so much people hate the current president.
Knowing this truth, Karimov will never allow free elections, until he is
alive. Free elections for Uzbek president are equal to state turnover or
popular uprising. Because once he saw a shadow of this freedom. Not the
freedom itself, but its shadow, when he, following the fashion of the
early 1990s, made a mistake by letting an oppositionist to participate in
presidential elections.

Elections of 1991 for Karimov were a shock, and he still has not recovered
from it. He then saw himself in the mirror of peoples will and shivered
from fear  the reflections was so terrible, people turned away from him.
The witnesses of presidential elections and then officials are still
alive, and they can tell how they burnt bulletins of those who voted for
me until the very morning in the regions of the country, and filled in the
new bulletins for Karimov. Claims of opposition critics that Muhammad
Solih has not been in Uzbekistan for 13 years and people started
forgetting him, etc. are not serious. Give me an open tribune in Tashkent
for 13 minutes and I will become similarly possible in Uzbekistan, like I
was 13 years ago. Karimov has isolated the country from the fear of losing
power.

Karimov is afraid of anybody who even theoretically can compete with him.
Sanjar Umarov was one of the many who the Uzbek president was
systematically afraid of. I consider the verdict to Umarov similarly
politically motivated, like hundreds of other verdicts announced by the
Uzbek courts against the representatives of opposition in the past 15
years.

Arena: You said you intended to participate in the elections of the
president of Uzbekistan in 2007. Do you know that the Uzbek laws prohibit
registration of candidates to president of persons who have not lived on
the territory of the country for the past 10 years?

Solih: Issuing such a dictatorial law shows the level of fear of Karimov
towards us. However, as people say, the fear will not prevent death, if it
has already come. I think the death of Karimovs regime is near and now
Karimov laws will save it. Laws have no meaning for Karimov. So why should
laws issued with the single purpose to prevent us from elections mean to
us? If there were no prohibiting laws, would Karimov allow us to
participate in elections? Poor Sanjar Umarov, he just softly criticized
Karmovs surrounding, never touching the dictator himself. Has this tactic
helped him become a legal oppositionist? We intend to come to Uzbekistan,
and Karimov should prepare to meet us. And the winner will be the one that
the Almighty wants.

Arena: Do you count on the help of some foreign democratic institutes in
implementing your goal?

Solih: Yes, the west can support the Uzbek democracy in concrete ways. For
example, the west may increase political pressure on the regime through
the UN, OSCE, European parliament, NGOs and mass media. The US and the EU
may demand from Uzbekistan to legalize democratic opposition parties of
the country.

They may introduce political sanctions against the current regime, like
debarring from voting in international organizations, limiting
participation of government officials in events of international
organizations, freezing bank accounts of Karimov, his daughters and close
ones, etc.

Further. They can work with the government of neighboring states and
Russia, organize forums to discuss problems of Uzbekistan and Central
Asia, including reforms of market economy and democracy, limit financial
aid to Uzbek public sector projects, simultaneously increasing support to
private sector, etc.

Arena: Do you have concrete proposals for foreign and internal policy and
economic development of the country? What would you tell people of
Uzbekistan, if allowed to participate in the election campaign?

Solih: Our top priority will be to provide the population with acceptable
living standard in a very short term. On the first stage, it at least has
to be comparable to the living level of Russia. For this, we have to solve
a complex of interrelated priority tasks. These are introducing principles
of market economy everywhere they are needed, reforming the agriculture
and getting rid of the soviet system of kolkhozs, privatize land, create a
center of investments to support small and medium business, and conduct an
open energy policy developing the most needed oil and gas sectors.

We have to increase foreign direct investments and widen the flow of
invested technologies, establish free trade relations in the region and
conduct an open border trade, speed up convertibility of Uzbek national
currency and close gaps created by shadow economy.

Bar the state control agency from the private sector and trade. Build a
strong system of social protection, enter the WTO, reform the Development
and Stabilization Fund, hold the tax reform, stimulate private trade and
foreign investments.

We have to close holes in the budget and abandon the policy helping the
shadow economy to dominate. Organize wide fight against corruption on all
levels of the state, and create new legislation on this. We plan adopting
a new social policy, based on rules of market economy. An efficient
pension reform is needed to ensure target social support of the most
vulnerable layers of the population.

All secular democratic political groups have to be rehabilitated, so that
they could participate in the political process in the country. We have to
ensure fundamental freedoms: of the speech, thought, assembly and
demonstrations. We have to eliminate censorship in the media and reform
the court system. Private sector, investments and FDI all depend on the
correctly functioning legal system, which should comply with international
laws.

We have to establish close partnership with neighboring Central Asian
states, in order to jointly fight terrorism, religious extremism, drug
traffic and organized crime. We have to participate in all processes in
the region in close cooperation with Central Asian states, strengthen
cooperation with the US, EU, Russia and China, increase trade volumes,
transport links, energy routes and supplies, communications, etc. We have
to participate in fighting terrorism, religious extremism and drug trade.

Erosion of social trust to state structures, if urgent measures are not
taken, is one of the largest threats that Uzbekistan currently faces.

Arena: You are a political emigrant. What layers of the population, in
your view, will support you? How strong is Erk party in Uzbekistan, what
can it do?

Solih: We count on support of all layers of population because our partys
program has from the early beginning aimed at solving all problems on the
national level in the political, economic and social spheres. The latest
version of our political project is reflected in the short program of the
Committee of National Recovery of Uzbekistan, which has been posted on our
websites. But the problem is not about the program, which can be rewritten
every month. President Karimov never had a program and still has none.

The problem of the Uzbek politicians has always been the same  absence of
political will, fear to reform the old system, inability to keep ones
word, greediness, lie and lack of fidelity to principles. Erk partys
policy has always been opposite to this heritage of communist spirit, and
this is why we are so sure about ourselves. The people, Inshallah, will
support us because it knows that we will keep our word, we have a
political will and courage in adopting needed decisions to develop our
country.

In 1999, Muslims of Namangan (wahhabis, as they were called) promised
voting for me at the presidential elections, if I agree to create a
caliphate. I refused. Then they voted for Karimov because he told them: If
the people want to build a caliphate, how can I be against it? I heard the
recording of this case, Muslim jamaats have it. Such deliberate lie is a
constant companion of the present regime. We have a problem, which is lack
of means of communication with masses or electorate. But we are coming to
solving this problems, which means we are starting serious work with
Karimovs regime. So watch the development of events.

Arena: Do you believe that to achieve democracy all means should be used,
including armed revolt? Or will you continue waiting until you are invited
in the country to head it?

Solih: No, I dont follow communists principles and will never kill people
even for democracy. On the other hand, I am not going to sit and wait, I
will fight will all strength against the anti-people regime. My main dream
is not to become a president, but to see my people free from the yoke, no
matter where it originates from. I wrote my first political manifesto in
January 1985, protesting against cultural discrimination of the
metropolis, the yoke of Moscow. I didt write it because I wanted to be a
president. I wrote it because I didnt want to see my people humiliated.
Now I am writing against our own independent dictator because I dont want
my people to continue being humiliated under the mask of independence.

That is, my main task as a policy has not changed over the past 20 years.
I am sure that the regime of Karimov will be overthrown, and Allah will
reward all martyrs of the regime and those who supported the oppressed.

Interviewed by Inera Safargaliyeva. Source: www.freeuz.org
http://www.cascfen.org/contents.php?cid=219