Armenian-Georgian relations and Russian-Georgian relations

[Harold F. Schiffman]

Permanent news address: http://www.regnum.ru/english/670432.html

Georgia is becoming hostage to Azeri-Turkish alliance: interview with
Pavel Chobanyan


REGNUM: What problems are there in Armenian-Georgian relations and what
effect are they having on Russian-Georgian relations?

Armenian-Georgian relations have always been substantive, but they got
even more pronounced in the post-Soviet independence years. Armenia and
Georgia have generally positive relations, but we should admit that there
are some negative things too. Today, they are facing a number of problems
that cant be resolved just on their good will. The first episode of the
Armenian-Georgian confrontation is the position of the Armenian community
of Abkhazia and their cooperation with Abkhazians, who, as you know, have
proclaimed independence from Georgia.  The Georgian authorities accuse
Armenians of cooperation with the Abkhazian side and are trying to sow
distrust towards them among Abkhazians and to kindle ethnic strife. The
Georgian authorities are conducting a nationalist policy in both the
capital and the regions, thereby creating ethnic conflict spots. They are
publishing openly anti-Armenian books and articles with the only view of
accusing Armenians of being unkindly to Georgia. One of the objectives of
this old-story policy is to assimilate Armenians: in fact, by changing
their surnames into Georgian ones (or, as Georgians say, restoring their
Georgian surnames), many Georgia-based Armenians try to relieve themselves
of the yoke of ethnic discrimination.

The next stage of the Armenian-Georgian confrontation is the growing
diktat of the Georgian authorities against Javakheti and the local
Armenians. Obviously, Tbilisi is trying to force them out of the region.
If in the first issue Armenias official position is quite unnoticeable,
this problem is going outside Georgia and is getting pan-Armenian and even
international importance, especially in the light of the national minority
rights situation in Georgia, the withdrawal of Russian military bases from
Akhalkalaki, the Council of Europes demand for returning Meskheti Turks to
Georgia, the project to lay a railroad Kars-Akhalkalaki-Tbilii bypassing
Armenia. In fact, any attempt of the Javakheti Armenians to exercise their
democratic rights receives negative response from the Georgian press,
public and state.

For example, Georgian media have immediately reacted to the statement made
by the United Javakhq association during its first congress a few days
ago: their articles contained anti-Armenian statements. In response to the
associations protest against the Kars-Akhalkalaki-Tbilisi railroad, the
Georgian press said that only blind will fail to see that this protest
reflects the position of the central political forces of Armenia. One
Georgian newspaper has appeared with provocative article saying that In
Akhalakali Russia is selling arms brought from Tskhinvali. (Khvalindeli
Dge, June 27-28, 2006, 65). There are also problems concerning the
activities of the Armenian Church in Georgia: the Georgian authorities are
curbing church ceremonies, seizing Armenian churches, denying legal status
to the Diocese of the Armenian Church in Georgia.

Various media and scientific editions are openly distorting facts in order
to present the Armenians as the Georgians enemy. The logic of
Georgian-Russian and Armenian-Russian relations is also a good soil for
anti-Armenian moods. Regarding Russia as a force steadily destroying the
Georgian statehood and church autocephaly since Georgias accession into
the Russian Empire in 1801, the Georgian authorities deny Russia any
positive role in the history of Georgia. Armenia, on the contrary, admits
and appreciates the role of Russia. As a result, Georgia is beginning to
regard it as undesirable Russias ally.

REGNUM: Why is Nagorno-Karabakh Republic refusing to join the agreement of
the unrecognized republics Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transdniestria. Is
this because Armenia does not want to spoil its relations with Georgia?
This may, certainly, be the case. However, it should be noted that, unlike
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, who are directly negotiating with Georgia,
Nagorno-Karabakh is more restricted in its foreign relations, and it is
Armenian rather than Nagorno-Karabakh president who is holding talks with
Azerbaijan. As a result, this conflict is regarded not as conflict between
NKR and Azerbaijan but as a conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over
Nagorno-Karabakh. Besides, if in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, peace is kept
by Russian troops according to a relevant agreement and definite quota, in
Nagorno-Karabakh, security is guaranteed by own army and the Republic of
Armenia.

The above trilateral agreement has followed the demand of the Georgian
authorities for the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers and is aimed at
ensuring join defense of independence in case of military aggression.
Hence, the Nagorno-Karabakh army can neither hope for military help, say,
from Abkhazia or Transdnestr, nor help them itself.

REGNUM: What do you think about the statement of Georgian Prime Minister
Nogaideli that there will be no new autonomies in Georgia?

Autonomy is often the result of the struggle of a local population for its
well-grounded rights and of, though reluctant, but the acquiescence of
central authorities to recognize these rights. In Georgia they regard the
Javakheti Armenians demands for respect of their rights exactly as
struggle for autonomy. However, there was no such demand in United
Javakhqs statement and Nogaideli might have seen one in the urge to
regulate the mechanisms of using the Armenian language in administrative
paper work and education as an equal and alternative language to the only
state language -Georgian.

It should be noted that Armenians have faced many similar problems before
and not only inside Georgia, but also over the Armenian territories of
Azerbaijan that were outside the borders of the Nagorno-Karabakh
Autonomous Region.

Today, when the Russian language has no state status in Georgia, I think
that the Georgian authorities must not give hostility and misunderstanding
to a local populations demand for respect of its native language equally
with Georgian.

I think that they should permit the use of native language in village,
district or regional paper work.

REGNUM: To what a level and quality Russian-Georgian relations may get in
the near future?

A week before the Putin-Saakashvili meeting and after it, the Georgian
side stopped the unpromising and dangerous anti-Russian rhetoric. Even
more, some Georgian analysts called for restoring good neighbor relations
with Russia. Although the news about US President Georgia Bush inviting
Saakashvili to Washington has given a new rise to pro-American moods in
Georgia, there is still a growing wave of pro-Russian and anti-Soros
actions in the country. Nevertheless, Georgia will continue acting and
speaking against Russia, which will make Georgian-Russian relations even
worse. External forces cannot make peace in Georgia but are still trying
to convince Georgia of its own political significance. Nevertheless, the
authority and influence of Saakashvili and his team are falling. In a
recent survey only 10% said that Saakashvili has political prospects
against 17.8% voting for Salome Zourabichvili and 12.7% for Koba
Davitashvili.

REGNUM: And what do you think about the dynamics of Georgian-Azeri
relations?

In its struggle for existence, Georgians have traditionally tried to avoid
bad relations with neighboring Muslim states, to maneuver between them so
as to reduce own losses. Sometimes, they succeeded.

In the last years the Georgian authorities have proclaimed themselves as
the strategic allies of the US, Turkey, Ukraine and Azerbaijan and, by
confronting the regional policy of Russia, are trying to create economic
and political prerequisites for solving their own internal and external
problems. Availing itself of the Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-Azeri
conflicts, Georgia is trying to act as a transport corridor in East-West
energy relations.

With economic cooperation being the priority of Georgias relations with
the Turkish-Azeri alliance, the local authorities are actively attracting
Turkish investments into their economic projects. Given its deepening
military-economic cooperation with Turkey and Azerbaijan, Georgia could
not evade their political positions. Being the key energy transit link
between Armenia and the outer world, Georgia is constantly forced to yield
to Azerbaijans demands, which are allegedly aimed only against Armenia.
For example, Azerbaijan has put a ban on the transit of oil products for
Georgia via its territory, alleging that, at least, part of them are for
Armenia and will be given to it.

Georgia had to give numerous proofs it would not, the Georgian prime
minister went to Baku specially to solve this problem. Recently, an Azeri
MP said that Azerbaijan is against the opening of the Abkhazian railroad
as this will give Armenia direct communication with Russia. Otherwise,
Baku is threatening with aggravation of Azeri-Georgian relations.
Presently, the Georgian-Russian railroad operations are carried out via
Azerbaijan.

In fact, Azerbaijan is not only actively interfering in Georgias internal
affairs but is actively enrolling to this end its communities living in
the southern regions of Georgia. Some Azeri organizations, especially, the
National Assembly of Azeris of Georgia and its president Dasgyn
Gulmamedov, are beginning to more frequently call for Georgias
federalization.

Obviously, this interference will keep growing, and Georgia will be forced
to make more and more concessions to the Turkish-Azeri side, especially
after the return of Meskheti Turks.

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