Azerbaijan: In Search Of Multiple Identities

[Harold Schiffman]

Azerbaijan: In Search Of Multiple Identities
By Prof. Alireza Asgharzadeh

This article focuses on emerging Azerbaijani identity and its
competing versions in the Republic of Azerbaijan, Iran, and in the
diaspora. The Republic of Azerbaijan has over eight million people
compared with more than 20 million Azeris in Iran. The two groups have
ethnic, linguistic, and historical ties but also different
experiences, giving them both a common identity contradicted by other
factors. In her valuable book entitled Borders and Brethren: Iran and
the Challenge of Azerbaijani Identity, Brenda Shaffer astutely
observes that:

Until the early 1990s, most Azerbaijanis in Iran referred to
themselves as Turks. Some researchers and Azerbaijanis themselves
refer to this group as the Azerbaijani Turks.... The term most
commonly employed by the Azerbaijanis today, and which is considered
most neutral... is "Azerbaijani."[1] Since Shaffer's observation, the
debate around finding a uniform ethnic/linguistic/national identity
for the people of Azerbaijan[2] has intensified. Azerbaijanis are now
using identity categories as diverse as Azeri, Azeri-Turk, Turk,
Iranian-Turk, Azerbaijani-Turk, South-Azerbaijani-Turk, and
North-Azerbaijani-Turk. This rich choice shows how confusing the
situation has become. Consensus is nowhere in sight regarding a
uniform Azeri identity. Azerbaijanis identify themselves based on
their experiences within specific environments, without being able to
connect these various contexts with a more comprehensive general term.

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

As a geographic region, Azerbaijan extends from northwestern Iran to
the Caspian Sea in the east, with Kurdistan, Armenia, and Turkey to
the west, and Georgia and Russia to the north. This strategic
positioning reveals Azerbaijan's geopolitical significance as a
gateway to Russia and Turkey and, through them, to the West.
Azerbaijan is divided into two parts: Northern Azerbaijan, which
became an independent country after the disintegration of the Soviet
Union in 1991, and southern Azerbaijan, which is part of Iran. The two
parts have been divided since the early nineteenth century, with the
Araz River as their border. In addition to the Azeri-Turks, who
constitute over 80 percent of the inhabitants of Azerbaijan on both
sides of the river, there are ethnic and religious minorities such as
Kurds, Armenians, Lezgis, Taleshis, Jews, Christians, and Baha'is
living in Azerbaijan.

The language of the majority of Azerbaijanis is "Azeri" (variously
known as Azeri-Turkic, Turki, and Azerbaijani), and the religion of
the majority is Shi'a Islam. Of the overall Azeri population, 20 to 30
million are believed to be living in southern Azerbaijan and the rest
of Iran,, eight million in the Republic of Azerbaijan, close to two
million in Turkey, and about two million in Russia, with the rest
mainly in Georgia, Iraq, and Ukraine.

Their status in Turkey is interesting and little explored. Similar to
the situation in Iran, questions around ethnic and national identity
in Turkey are highly political and difficult issues. The history of
the Azeri population in today's Turkey can be traced back to the
earlier periods of the Safavid era in Iran (1501-1722), when their
rule extended over the current Turkish regions of Kars and neighboring
areas. Additionally, in the course of the Gulistan(1813) and
Turkmenchay (1828) treaties between Iran and Russia, a significant
number of Azeris migrated to Turkey and settled in its eastern
regions, particularly in Erzurum and Agri. The migration of Azeris to
Turkey continued during the 1920s (as a result of the overthrow of the
Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan in the north and the suppression of
the Shaykh Muhammad Khiabani Movement in the south); the late 1940s
(after the suppression of Mir Ja'far Pishevari's 21 Azar Movement in
southern Azerbaijan in 1946); the 1980s (as a result of the Islamic
Revolution in Iran and the subsequent Iran-Iraq War); as well as in
the 1990s, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the
independence of northern Azerbaijan. In general, the Azeri population
in Turkey is considered well-integrated into Turkish society, mainly
due to cultural and linguistic affinities between the Azeri and
Anatolian Turks. Nevertheless, differences still remain in the areas
of religion (Azeris are mainly Shi'a, whereas Anatolian Turks are
mostly Sunni Muslims), dialect, and self-conception in terms of
historical memory and ethnic/national consciousness.

In The Ancient History of Iranian Turks, Professor M.T. Zehtabi traced
the origin of current Azeris to ancient Sumerian and Ilamite
civilizations, dating back over 5,000 years. Through archeological and
linguistic evidence, Zehtabi has shown that today's Azeris are
remnants of such racial and ethnic components as the ancient Ilamites,
Medes, and other agglutinative language peoples such as the Kassies,
Gutties, Lullubies, and Hurraies.[3]

According to other sources, three different ethnic components have
participated in the formation and evolution of the Azeri people:
first, the Medes, who were mainly concentrated in southern Azerbaijan;
second, the Aran-Albanese, who were living in the north; and third,
the Turks, who have been living in various parts of Azerbaijan from
ancient times and whose number constantly increased due to the
migration of Turkic tribes from central Asia, particularly after the
Islamization of the region.[4]

Two thousand five hundred and sixty-six years years ago, Azerbaijan
was conquered by the Persian emperor Cyrus the Great. Two hundred and
twenty-nine years later, Alexander the Great defeated the Persians and
conquered Azerbaijan. Three centuries after that, it was occupied by
the Roman Empire. Azerbaijan was thereafter ruled by the Roman Empire,
the Persian Empire, and the Confederation of Caucasian Turks.[5]
Within the space of 10 years, after the death of Muhammad in the year
632, around 30,000 Muslim Arabs attacked and conquered Iran,
overthrowing the decaying Sassanid Empire. Azerbaijan became a part of
the new Muslim empire, though resistance against the Arab invasion in
northern and central Azerbaijan continued throughout the ninth
century.

In 837, the Arabs conquered the Castle of Babak, a stronghold for a
powerful resistance movement in central Azerbaijan and established
their dominion all over Azerbaijan.[6] The region was Islamized.
Towards the end of the seventh century, a local dynasty known as
Shirvanshahs ruled northern Azerbaijan from 668 through 1539, when
they were incorporated into the Safavid Empire, once more becoming
unified with the south.[7] Through this reunification, Azerbaijan
again had economic, cultural, and linguistic autonomy as an integrated
whole well into the early nineteenth century.

In the early nineteenth century, Iran (and the region of Azerbaijan in
particular) was twice invaded by Russia. As a result, the vast
territory of northern Azerbaijan, or what is now the independent
Republic of Azerbaijan, was annexed to the Russian Empire by way of
the Gulistan (1813) and Turkmenchay (1828) treaties. This annexation
by no means crushed the aspirations of Azeris for independence and
autonomous nationhood. In the chaotic revolutionary atmosphere of 1917
that resulted in the Russian Empire's collapse, Azerbaijanis
proclaimed their independence on March 28, 1918. As early as mid-1918,
the Azerbaijani republic passed a law that provided for democracy
through free and direct elections, proportional representation, and
universal suffrage, making Azerbaijan the first country in the history
of Islamic nations ever to enfranchise women. Teaching and learning
the mother tongue in the school system became mandatory, and Azeri
became Azerbaijan's national language. In

April 1920, the Red Army occupied Azerbaijan and overthrew the
democratically elected Azeri government, putting an end to this brief
experience in independent nationhood.

The annexation of northern Azerbaijan by Russia notwithstanding, the
southern region of Azerbaijan still continued to enjoy a relatively
autonomous status, particularly in trade and commerce as well as in
culture and language. However, with the coming to power in 1921 of
Reza Khan and the subsequent establishment of the absolute monarchism
of the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran, southern Azerbaijan's regional,
economic, linguistic, and cultural autonomy came to an end. Through
Reza Khan's harsh centralization policy, the hitherto independent
region of Azerbaijan now became divided into a number of dependent
"Ostans" or provinces.[8]

The Pahlavi dynasty ruled in Iran for well over half a century.
Throughout this period, a policy of forced assimilation aimed at the
creation of a homogeneous Farsi-speaking nation. As a consequence, the
publication of newspapers, magazines, and books in the Azeri language
was prohibited, and the people of Azerbaijan were denied the right to
educate in their own language.[9] In 1979, the Pahlavi regime was
overthrown, and subsequently the Islamic Republic was formed. The
shah's sponsored Persian nationalistic ideology was briefly
overshadowed by an emerging "anti-nationalist" Islamic ideology with
his fall. In the revolutionary atmosphere of the time, various ethnic
demands and movements began to emerge. Yet upon consolidating its
power bases, the new regime suppressed the demands of various
nationalities for cultural and linguistic rights. Identifying the
Persian language as "the second language of Islam," the new regime
vigorously continued to enforce the ban imposed on non-Persian
languages during the Pahlavi era, notwithstanding that its own
constitution allowed for the teaching and learning of non-Farsi
languages.

In August 1991, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the
formation of an independent Azerbaijani nation-state was declared
north of the Iranian borders. Realizing the importance of such an
event to the southern Azeris, the Iranian regime pursued a hostile
relationship with the Republic of Azerbaijan, seeking to undermine its
credibility, image, and achievements at every
opportunity--particularly through state-run media outlets.[10]

LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND IDENTITY

In present-day Iran, in addition to the three Azeri provinces of
Ardabil and Eastern and Western Azerbaijan, Azeri-Turkic is also
spoken in Zanjan, Hamadan, Arak, Saveh, and northern Khorasan.[11]
Moreover, Azeri-Turkic is spoken by the Qashqayi Turks as well as by
various other Turkic-speaking peoples concentrated in the province of
Fars and in central Iran. In addition to the northern Republic of
Azerbaijan, Azeri is also the indigenous language of Turkic peoples in
Iraq and Eastern Anatolia.[12]

The origin of written Azeri literature can be traced back to the
famous epic of Dede Qorqut Kitabi(the Book of Dede Qorqud), which
originated orally in pre-Islamic Caucasia and were put into writing in
the sixth or seventh century. This is how the book introduces itself
and its main character:

We begin with the name of the Creator and implore his help. Years
before the time of the Prophet [Muhammad], there appeared in the Bayat
tribe a man by the name of Qorqud Ata. He was the wise man of the
Oghuz people. He used to prophesize and bring reports from the unknown
world beyond, having been divinely inspired....[13]
In the course of the past two centuries, the book has been translated
into many languages. In 1815, the German scholar H.F. Von Diez
produced a German translation of the book based on a manuscript found
in the Royal Library of Dresden. In 1950, another manuscript was
discovered by the Italian scholar Ettore Rossi in the Vatican library.
Following the German, Turkish renditions were published by Kilishli
Rifat and Orhan Saik Gokyay in Istanbul in 1916 and 1938
respectively.[14] Professor Hamid Arasli, a well-known Azeri scholar,
published the first full text of the collection in Baku in 1939,
reprinted in 1962 and again in 1977. Following Arasli's version, the
famous south Azerbaijani poet Bulut Qarachorlu--in collaboration with
Professor Muhammad Ali Farzaneh--provided a unique rendition of the
book in two volumes in the Arabic alphabet for southern Azerbaijani
readers. The first volume, entitled Sazimin Sozu (Tales of My Lute)
was clandestinely published in Iran in the 1960s. The second volume,
Dedemin Sozu (Tales of my Father) has not yet been published, although
it has been widely discussed through various sources.[15]

Aside from Dede Qorqut Kitabi, there are other common Turkic works,
such as Diwan Lughat at-Turk written by Mahmud of Kashghar in 1072-73
and Qutadghu Bilig written by Yusuf Khas Hajeb in 1077, that bear
witness to the early literary works in the Azerbaijani language.
Around the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Azeri language and
literature flourished under the rule of Shirvanshahs. Among the
leading representatives of Azeri literature in this period were such
prominent figures as Qetran of Tabriz, Mekhseti Khanum, Khaqani of
Shirvan, and Nizami ofGanja. Nizami's well-known Quintuple, Seven
Beauties, Khosrow va Shirin,Iskandar-Nameh, Tohfatul Iraqein (Gifts
from Iraq), and other works are among the Islamic world's classical
literary heritage. Although Nizami did not produce his work in the
Azeri language, his narratives are nonetheless rooted in Azeri culture
and tradition.Thirteenth and fourteenth century Azerbaijan witnessed
the birth of Hasan-Oglu's famous Ghazals, Qazi Darir's Yusuf va
Zuleykha, Qazi Burhan ad-Din's Divan, and Imad ad-Din Nasimi's
Quatrains. An outstanding Hurufi philosopher, mystic, and poet, Nasimi
left an inerasable mark on Azeri philosophy, literature, and
culture.[16] His poetry's artistry, depth, and veracity have gained
Nasimi a lasting place among the pioneering literary figures in the
Islamic world. In effect, Nasimi's language marks the emergence of a
distinct language and literature unique to Azerbaijan. In the words of
M.F. Koprulu, "although Nasimi was not unfamiliar with the dialect of
Anatolia, he used that of the Azeri Turkic more often."[17]

Koprulu's observation has been confirmed by M. Ergin, who makes
similar remarks regarding the language of Qazi Burhan al-Din, a
contemporary of Nasimi and another forerunner in the fourteenth
century Azeri literary scene. "Qazi Burhan ad-Din's language," writes
Ergin,

does differ from the Anatolian texts and bears certain of the
distinguishing features of Azeri-Turkic, which gave promise of its
becoming a separate language. In view of this, it is not far off the
mark to consider it the product of the period when the Azeri Turkic
dialect was heading straight towards separation.[18]
Devoting his life struggling for freedom of expression, Nasimi boldly
attacked rigid regulations and religious bigotry through his poetry.
For his pains, he was skinned alive at the bazaar in the town of Heleb
(Aleppo).

Azeri language and literature continued to develop and evolve during
the fifteenth century, when the houses of Qara Qoyunlu and Aq Qoyunlu
ruled in southern Azerbaijan and Iran. To this period belong such
literary figures as Jahanshah Qaraqoyunlu (Haqiqi), Habibi, and Sheyx
Qasim Enver, among many others. The sixteenth century saw the
establishment of Safavid rule in Iran. The founder of this new
dynasty, Shah Ismail, was a great lover of poetry and literature.
Azeri was the main language in his court, followed by Farsi and
Arabic. Under the pen name Khatayi, Shah Ismail produced his famous
Divani Xetayi in Azeri-Turkic. Moreover, a unique literary style known
as "Qoshma" was introduced in this period, utilized and developed by
Shah Ismail and later on by his successor Shah Tahmasp.[19]

Paralleling Azeri written literature, various forms of folk and oral
literature were also developing during this period. Included in Azeri
folk literature were numerous forms of tales, proverbs, and sayings
peculiar to Azerbaijan such as Bayati, Sayaji, and Duzgi.The sixteenth
century was characterized by the rapid growth of Azerbaijan's folk
literature. Such famous masterpieces as Kor-Ogli, Esli-Kerem, Shah
Ismail, and Ashiq Qerib were created during this period. Indigenous
Azerbaijani minstrels, bards, and Ashiq poetry also flourished during
this time.[20]

Muhammad Fuzuli (1498-1556), the renowned Azeri philosopher and poet,
emerged at this time. Masterfully building upon the legacy of his
predecessors, Fuzuli became the unrivaled literary figure. His major
works in Azeri include The Divan of Ghazals, The Qasidas, and the poem
Leyla ve Majnoon, among others. Fuzuli's poetry manifested the spirit
of a profound humanism, reflecting the discontent of both the masses
and the poet himself towards totalitarianism, feudal lords, and
establishment religion. From a linguistic perspective, his poetry
marked a turning point in the development of the Azeri language. In
her pioneering work on Azeri literature, titled Azeri and Persian
Literary Works in Twentieth Century Azerbaijan, Professor Sakina
Berengian rightly identifies Fuzuli "as both the Ferdowsi and Hafez of
Azeri literature."[21] According to Berengian, it was in Fuzuli's
hands "that the Azeri language was brought to maturity and it was in
his works that Azeri classical poetry attained its ultimate
refinement."[22]

In the seventeenth century, Fuzuli's unique genre was taken up by such
prominent poets and writers as Saeb and Qovsi of Tabriz, Shah Abbas
Sani, Amani, Zafar, and many others. Thus, the development of Azeri
literature and language continued well into the nineteenth century,
when the Qajars ruled Iran. Nineteenth-century Azerbaijan was
characterized by the separation, in 1828, of the northern segment of
Azerbaijan and its annexation to the Russian Empire. According to a
veteran Azeri scholar, Dr. Javad Heyat, the separation of northern
Azerbaijan did not mean the severing of ties among Azeris. Far from
it; this separation gave birth to a unique genre of literature and
poetry "whose subject is the theme of separation between
brothers."[23] In his famous poem, "Hesret" ("Longing"), Kamran Mehdi
captured the feelings of Azerbaijanis regarding this forced
separation: "True, the Araz divides a nation/But the earth underneath
is one!"[24]

The early twentieth century marked the beginning of a new national and
social consciousness in Azerbaijan. Influenced by various literary and
sociopolitical trends in the wake of the Russian Revolution of 1905
and the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1905-1911), Azeri writers,
intellectuals, and poets began to revolutionize the Azerbaijani as
well as the Iranian sociocultural landscape. Fethali Akhundzadeh
introduced drama into Iranian literature. Taliboff and Zeynal-Abedin
of Maragheh laid the foundation of modern creative prose, social
criticism, and literary realism hitherto unknown in Iran. At the same
time, Jelil Memet Quluzadeh and Aliakber Saber produced their leading
social and political satires, widely spread through the now
internationally renowned paper, Molla Nesred-Din.[25]

Northern Azerbaijan also produced such literary giants as Semed
Vurghun, Suleyman Rustem, Resul Reza, Mir Jalal Pashayev, Enver
Memedxanli, and many others. In Tabriz, Mirza Hasan Rushdiyyeh laid
down the foundation for modern schooling and pedagogy. He wrote and
used the first modern textbooks in the history of Iran, entitled Veten
Dili (Language of Homeland) and Ana Dili (Mother Tongue) in
Azerbaijani schools, replacing Koranic and traditional religious
texts.[26] Simultaneously, such poets and writers as A. Qarajadaghli,
M. Hidaji, M. Xelxali, and A. Nebati promoted the ideals of social
justice and democracy through their works.[27] With the flourishing of
all these literary and cultural productions, it was not surprising
that Azerbaijan became the center of Iran's Constitutional Revolution.

This rich literary legacy reached its climax in contemporary times in
Muhammad-Husayn Shahryar's (1905-1988) poetry, particularly in his
masterpiece "Heyderbabaya Salam" ("Greetings to Heydar Baba").[28]
Cherished by both the northern and southern Azerbaijanis, this work
brings together various cultural and literary tendencies in a single
genre, emphasizing the common origin of Azerbaijani language,
literature, culture, and identity. This provided a major building
block for the construction of a unified and unifying identity.

The continuous development of this literary and cultural tradition,
despite interruptions, is a strong indicator of a deep-rooted
awareness on the part of Azerbaijanis regarding their language,
nationality, culture, history, and heritage.

THE AZERI DIASPORA

The Azeri diaspora is a comparatively new phenomenon, rooted in a
roughly three-decade long history of migration. It owes its existence
to the 1978-1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran; the demise of the Soviet
Union, and the establishment of the Republic of Azerbaijan in 1991.
During and after the Islamic Revolution, waves of mass migration took
place, partly because of violations of human rights in Iran, partly as
a result of the eight-year war with Iraq, and partly due to the
worldwide impact of globalization, along with a whole set of economic
and developmental factors.[29] This trend still continues, albeit on a
much smaller scale.[30]

The demise of the Soviet Union and the independence of northern
Azerbaijan significantly contributed to the formation of an Azeri
diaspora. With the coming of independence, the Iron Curtain was lifted
and the hitherto isolated Azerbaijani society was exposed to the
outside world in an unprecedented way. As a result, many Azeris were,
for the first time, accorded the opportunity to travel or migrate.

The coming of independence also coincided with the outbreak of war
between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia over the enclave of
Nagorno-Qarabagh. The Azerbaijani republic was forced to cope with
about 800,000 displaced persons. In effect, one out of every ten
Azerbaijani citizens became a refugee. A new wave of Azeri (mass)
migration took place during the first five years of independence, to
be followed by future small-scale migrations.

In addition, hundreds of thousands of Azeri citizens of the former
Soviet Union who lived in Russia, Georgia, and Ukraine were now
"immigrants" living in someone else's country.

These issues provide a basis for multiple potential identities for a
people known as Azeris (in Arabic sources); Azeri-Turks (in Turkish
sources); or Turks (in Persian sources). In recent years, additional
designations have emerged due to the changing geopolitical situation,
adding such terms as: Iranian-Turk, Azerbaijani-Turk,
North-Azerbaijani-Turk, South-Azerbaijani-Turk, and Azerbaijani.

This situation poses a major challenge to individuals of Azerbaijani
heritage in articulating a common identity applicable both to the
Azeri people on either side of the Araz River and to the Azeri
diaspora. Which term, which label, which designation best defines such
an inclusive identity? Can all of these be used as different
manifestations of the same identity, or is there a need to choose a
single one?

A PAN-ETHNIC IDENTITY: "WE ALL ARE TURKS"

In its current usage, the term "Turk" defines the
ethnic/linguistic/national identity of the majority of people in the
Republic of Turkey. It also defines the ethnic/cultural/linguistic
identity of other groups and communities throughout Central Asia,
Caucasia, the Mediterranean, the Middle East, and the Balkans, who
loosely use the term to refer to their ethnic affiliation. One of the
earliest sources that makes mention of the term "Turk" is an
encyclopedia entitled Diwan-i Lughãt at-Turk, written by Mehmud of
Kashger in 1072-1073. In this book, the author traces the genealogy of
the word "Turk" back to the time of Noah and claims "Turk" to be the
name of one of Noah's sons.[31] There are also references to "Turk"
and its variations such as "tu-kiu," "tur-kiut," "tur-kiu," "turku,"
"turukh," "durukh," and "turuk" in some ancient Assyrian, Chinese, and
Japanese sources.[32]

As far as recent written history is concerned, various sources
indicate that the majority of Azerbaijan's inhabitants and others have
consistently referred to themselves as Turks. In Persian literature,
the term Turk and the Turks themselves--in fact, everything
Turkic--has been demonized. The Turks have been associated with
savagery, barbarism, bloodshed, pillage, stupidity, and
backwardness.[33] In the relatively relaxed atmosphere of recent
years, some Azeri scholars and activists have started the process of
reclaiming their Turkic identity. This also marks the beginning of the
usage of "Turk" as a local identity.

A LOCAL IDENTITY: "WE ARE IRANIAN TURKS"

The designation "Iranian-Turk" exists in the context of Iran and the
Persian effort to define ethnic groups as existing in that country's
context.[34] To the extent that the Turkic identity is demonized and
dehumanized in Iran, Iranian Turks built up this identity in an
attempt to counter the attacks leveled against them. While various
assimilatory methods such as the denial of Turkic identity and
conformity to the dominant culture were adopted by some Azeri
intellectuals during the Pahlavi regime, the current movement to
reclaim Turkic identity is becoming increasingly popular in Azerbaijan
and other parts of Iran.[35]



Use of "Turk" on an Iranian level has inevitably linked this identity
to the larger ideology of Turkism rooted in an existing notion of
pan-ethnic/pan-Turkist identity. This linkage is demonstrated through
some Azerbaijanis acting as advocates of the former Ottoman Empire or
current Turkish Republic against the demands that certain ethnic
groups such as the Armenians and the Kurds have made against them. As
a result, some ethnic conflicts existing in the Turkish Republic have
spilled over to Azerbaijan and are automatically made out to be an
Azerbaijani issue.

This understanding of pan-ethnic identity creates hostilities among
ethnic groups. In an article entitled "A Word with the People of South
Azerbaijan," Alireza Nazmi-Afshar, a well-known Azerbaijani activist,
warns that southern Azerbaijani independence from Iran would
eventually lead to the independence of Kurds from Turkey and be
disastrous for Turks all over the world:

The Azerbaijanis' demand for independence from Iran, no matter how
reasonable and rightful, will legitimize similar demands on the part
of PKK Kurds in Turkey and Dashnak Armenians in Qarabagh.... Is this
really what we want? By saying this perhaps I will be accused of
Pan-Turkism. But if this kind of responsibility towards other Turks
and their national interests... is Pan-Turkism... then I am a
Pan-Turkist. I am a Pan-Turkist. I am a Pan-Turkist.[36]
When Nazmi-Afshar says Pan-Turkist here, it is counterpoised to a
Pan-Azeri position, which would favor unification. This is an
indication of the complex choices faced by the Azerbaijani people. In
order to distinguish themselves from the Turks of Turkey, some Azeris
have sought to refer to themselves as Azerbaijani-Turk or Iranian
Turk, though these hyphenated-combinations may themselves be
confusing.

THE AZERI ALTERNATIVE: A TRANSCULTURAL/DIAPORIC IDENTITY

"Azeri" is another important designation used as an identity category
to represent the Azerbaijani people. This term exists in early
Assyrian and Arabic sources, dating back some 3,000 years. In ancient
Assyrian sources, for instance, there is mention of a city and region
known as "Azari" situated in the vicinity of "the Lake of Urmu" in
western Azerbaijan.[37] The inhabitants of this city were referred to
as the "Azers/Azerler" who were members of the Turkic racial/ethnic
group. The Assyrian sources document a directive issued by the
Assyrian king, Sargon II, some 2,800 years ago referring to a place
called Azari.[38]

A number of Arab travelers and historians also made frequent
references to "Azerbaijan" and "al-Azeriyya."[39] Yaqut al-Hamavi, the
thirteenth century Arab traveler and historian, wrote in regards to
the language of the inhabitants of Azerbaijan, "They have a peculiar
language called al-Azerriya and no one can understand it except for
themselves."[40]

Azerbaijan being the name of the land, the Arabs called the vast
majority of its inhabitants and their language "al-Azerriya." This
"al-Azeriyya" was transliterated/translated into Persian and Turkish
sources as "Azeri," which has been used alongside "Turk" to refer to
the identity of Azerbaijan's inhabitants. In fact, the two terms have
been used interchangeably not only by Azerbaijanis themselves, but by
Arabs, Persians, and Europeans as well. For instance, regarding the
definition of the term, Borhan-e Qate', the great Persian Encyclopedia
says:

When the Oghuz came to that region [i.e., Azerbaijan], the Lord of
Oghuz took a liking to one of its towns called Ujan. He asked each of
his people to bring a skirt-full of earth and pour it there. He
himself brought a skirt-full and poured. All his army personnel and
his people each brought a skirt-full and piled them there. Soon a
gigantic mountain was formed. He named it Azerbaijan, for "Azer" in
Turkic stands for height and "Baijan" means the elders and lords.[41]
"Azeri" and "Turk" have been used interchangeably throughout most of
Azerbaijan's modern history. At least such was the case until an
Iranian intellectual named Ahmad Kasravi published an article in the
1920s to refute this idea. Of Azerbaijani origin himself, Kasravi
ventured to claim that, among other things, Azerbaijan was originally
populated by "Pahlavi/Farsi-speaking" Aryans who had later become
Turkified due to the Seljuk and Mongol invasions of Iran in the
eleventh and thirteenth centuries, respectively; hence, the
"invention" of an Indo-European Azari/Azeri language.

Immediately after the popularization of Kasravi's theory, the terms
"Azerbaijani" and "Azeri" became highly politicized. The dominant
Persian group in Iran used the opportunity to advance its agenda of
delegitimizing Iran's "non-Indo-European" ethnic groups. Many
linguists, historians, and social scientists tried to prove that the
language spoken in ancient Azerbaijan was exclusively and entirely
Persian.[42] A number of Western scholars supported these views,
insisting that Farsi was "the only" language spoken in all parts of
the "Iranshehr" prior to the emergence and triumph of Islam in
Iran.[43]

It is now clear that Kasravi's assumptions about the Azeri language
lack credibility. He publicized such views because he believed they
would be "good for Iran."[44] It was an era when monolingualism was
promoted and diversity discarded. Kasravi and his followers proceeded
on the assumption that there was an Aryan/Iranian race that could be
identified and maintained in its "pure" form. Language was the main
indication of this race's identity and authenticity. In the context of
Iran, this language could not be any other than Farsi/Persian.[45]

The definition of "Azeri" currently used stands for the inhabitants of
Azerbaijan and their language, which is a Turkic one. It alludes to a
distinct people living in a distinct land.

THE EMERGING AZERBIJANI IDENTITY

In an April 26, 2006 visit to the United States, President Ilham Aliev
of Azerbaijan observed:

Azerbaijanis live in many countries. Recently we had the Second
Congress of World Azerbaijanis. And according to our estimations,
there are more than 50 million Azerbaijanis who live around the world,
and about 30 million of them live in Iran.[46]
Yet the vision he presented is one based on citizenship rather than ethnicity:

Azerbaijan is a multinational country.... We have various
nationalities, various religions represented, the highest degree of
religious and ethnic tolerance. Azerbaijan is a secular country, and
not only by its constitution, but by way of life.[47]
It is "Azerbaijani-ness" that binds the diverse cultural, ethnic, and
religious communities together, even people who are not ethnically
Azeri but who are citizens of Azerbaijan. That is why the designation
"Azerbaijani" represents a democratic identity. It is not based on an
ethnocentric vision of solidarity, but on citizenship, land, and
territory. It is also a way of obtaining the loyalty of Azeris at home
and abroad to the country.

Among Azeris abroad, the creation of this state has also led to a
greater sense of Azeri-based national identity. For example, groups
and individuals living in Canada issued a statement calling on all
Azeris there to identify themselves on the 2006 Census Questionnaire
as "Azerbaijanis" or "Azeris" rather than Turks, Iranians, Persians,
or other designations.[48] One statement observed:

If we answer Turk or Turkish to this question, we will be considered
as nationals of the Republic of Turkey. And if we reply Persian or
Farsi, we will be considered Iranian nationals. Obviously, both
responses undermine our Azerbaijani identity and are, therefore,
incorrect.... Let us all come together and announce once [and] for all
through this census that: We are Azerbaijanis and our mother tongue is
Azerbaijani [emphasis in original].[49]
The idea of an "Azerbaijani" identity in both southern and northern
Azerbaijan was first developed by Muhammad Emin Resulzadeh in the
early twentieth century. At the time, the Azerbaijanis, together with
other Turkic-speaking peoples of the Russian Empire, were commonly
identified as "Rusiyye Musulmanlari" (the Muslims of Russia),
"Tatarlar" (the Tatars), or "Rusiyye Turkleri" (the Turks of
Russia)--much the same way as some Azeris in the south currently refer
to themselves as "the Iranian Turks" or "the Turks of Iran." While
acknowledging the existence of certain similarities among various
Turkic peoples in the region, Resulzadeh maintained that "Azerbaijan"
constituted a distinct society due to unique historical, cultural, and
social characteristics shared by its inhabitants.[50] From this
observation, the modern notion of an Azerbaijani identity was born.
Similarly, it was during the Democratic Government

1945-1946) of Mir Jafar Pishevari that a sophisticated Azerbaijani
identity was developed in southern Azerbaijan. In this period, notions
such as Azerbaijani language, Azerbaijani nation, and Azerbaijani
national homeland became prevalent. This changing and shifting nature
of identity formations among the Azeris confirms the postmodern and
postcolonial definition of identity in the sense that identities are
not necessarily fixed and unchanging phenomena.[51]

As the Republic of Azerbaijan becomes more integrated into the world
community, the prospect of accepting the Azerbaijani/Azeri designation
becomes more practical in both southern and northern Azerbaijan. For
all intents and purposes, the international community has already
accepted "Azeri" and/or "Azerbaijani" as the legitimate
ethnic/linguistic/cultural/national identity of the Azerbaijani
people. Compared to their rival terms such as Turk, Azerbaijani-Turk,
and Iranian-Turk, the "Azeri" and "Azerbaijani" designations are more
inclusive, more familiar, and much more transparent. This makes them
suitable identity categories for the twenty-first century.

CONCLUSION

In the modern world, identities are articulated within a variety of
shifting social, political, economic, cultural, and discursive
contexts. Such understandings can and often do have exclusionary
consequences, particularly in pluralistic environments.

For this case, there are multiple identities of Azerbaijan which
continue to oscillate, conditioned by the experiences of individuals,
groups, and communities. Such identity categories as "Turk,"
"Iranian-Turk," "Azeri," and "Azerbaijani" are based on different
social, cultural, political, and economic conditions in Iran, in the
Republic of Azerbaijan, and in the Azeri diaspora. A local version of
a "Turkic" identity has been forming in Iran since the 1978-1979
revolution, in reaction to non-Iranian identities of Turk and
Azerbaijani, on the one hand, and to exclusionary definitions of
Persian primacy on the other. Simultaneously, a more flexible,
inclusive "Azerbaijani" identity has been evolving in the Republic of
Azerbaijan.

*Alireza Asgharzadeh teaches the sociology of knowledge, the sociology
of education, and comparative educational systems in the Department of
Sociology at York University. His latest book is Iran and the
Challenge of Diversity: Aryanist Racism, Islamic Fundamentalism, and
Democratic Struggles (Palgrave Macmillan, July 2007).


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


NOTES
[1] Brenda Shaffer, Borders and Brethren: Iran and the Challenge of
Azerbaijani Identity (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2002), p. xii.

[2]In this article, as in contemporary scholarly literature, the terms
"Azeri" and "Azerbaijani" are used interchangeably to represent the
majority Turkic-speaking population living in the northern Republic of
Azerbaijan and in southern Azerbaijan--the northwestern section of
Iran--as well as in the diaspora. The term Azerbaijani also indicates
non-Turkic citizens of the Republic of Azerbaijan as well as the
non-Turkic residents of southern Azerbaijan who may choose to identify
as Azerbaijanis.

[3]M.T. Zehtabi, Iran Turklerinin Eski Tarixi (Tebriz: Artun, 1999).

[4] Rahim Rayees-Nia, Azerbaijan dar Seir-e Tarikh-e Iran, 2 volumes
(Tabriz: Nima Publishers, 1990).

[5]Audrey L. Altestadt, The Azerbaijani Turks: Power and Identity
under Russian Rule (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1992); R.G.
Suny (ed.), Transcaucasia: Nationalism and Social Change: Essays in
the History of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia (Ann Arbor: Michigan
Slavic Publications, 1983).

[6] Keith Hitichins, "The Caucasian Albanies and the Arab Caliphate in
the Seventh and Eighth Centuries," in R. Savory (ed.), Iran under the
Safavids. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 4.

[7]Vladimir Minorsky, A History of Sharwan and Darband in the
10th-11th Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958).

[8] Richard W. Cottam, Nationalism in Iran (London: University of
Pittsburgh Press, 1979).

[9]Javad Heyat, "Regression of Azeri Language and Literature under the
Oppressive Period of Pahlavi," paper prepared in advance for
participants of The First International Conference on Turkic Studies,
(Indiana University: May 19-22, 1983); Javad Heyat, "Azerbaycanin Adi
ve Serhedleri," Varliq,Vol. 15, No. 90 (1993), pp. 3-13; Alireza
Asgharzadeh, Iran and the Challenge of Diversity: Islamic
Fundamentalism, Aryanist Racism, and Democratic Struggles (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, July 2007).

[10] Shaffer, Borders and Brethren; Asgharzadeh, Iran and the
Challenge of Diversity.

[11] This section on Azeri literature is a revised version of part of
the author's article entitled, "The Rise and Fall of South Azerbaijan
Democratic Republic (1945-46): A Look at Hegemony, Racism, and
Center-Periphery Relations in Contemporary Iran" (2000), published
online at the Virtual Azerbaijan website:
http://72.14.203.104/search?q=cache:0LbLq479fEJ:www.zerbaijan.com/azeri/AlirezaAsgharzadeh.htm+alireza+asgharzadeh%2Bthe+rise+and+fall&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=1.
Some parts of this section have also been used by Wikipedia, under the
heading "Azerbaijani Literature:"
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Azerbaijani_literature&diff=52451658&oldid=52451375.

[12] Zehtabi, Iran Turklerinin Eski Tarixi; Heyat, "Regression of
Azeri Language."

[13] E.M. Demircizade, Kitab-i Dede Korkut Dastanlarinin Dili (Baku:
1959); Geoffrey Lewis (ed.), The Book of Dede Korkut (Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1974).

[14] Demircizade, Kitab-i Dede Korkut; Lewis, The Book of Dede Korkut.

[15] Mohammedali Farzaneh, Dede Qorqud(Tehran: Entsharat-e Farzaneh, 1978).

[16] R.F.K. Burrill, The Quatrains of Nesimi: Fourteenth-Century
Turkic Hurufi (The Hague: Mouton, 1972), p. 87.

[17] M.F. Koprulu, Azeri Edebiyati (Istanbul, 1958), p. 118.

[18] Muharrem Ergin, Turk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi (November 1950), p. 287.

[19] Javad Heyat, Azerbaycan Edebiyyat Tarixine bir Baxish (Tehran:
Sazman-e Chap-e Khajeh, 1990).

[20] Asgharzadeh, "The Rise and Fall of South Azerbaijan Democratic Republic."

[21] Sakina Berengian, Azeri and Persian Literary Works in Twentieth
Century Azerbaijan (New York: New York University Press, 1992), p. 19.

[22] Ibid.

[23] Heyat, "Regression of Azeri Language," p. 14.

[24] Kamran Mehdi, Edebiyyat ve Incesenet (Baku: ChicheklerYayini, 1980).

[25] Asgharzadeh, "The Rise and Fall of South Azerbaijan Democratic Republic."

[26] Berengian, Azeri and Persian Literary Works.

[27] Heyat, "Regression of Azeri Language."

[28] Mohammed Hossein Shahryar, Heydarbabaya Salam (Tabriz, 1957).

[29] Alireza Asgharzadeh, "Islamic Fundamentalism, Globalization, and
Migration: New Challenges for Canada," in Rose Folson (ed.),
Calculated Kindness: Global Restructuring, Immigration and Settlement
in Canada(Halifax: Fernwood Publishing, 2004), pp. 130-50.

[30] Asghar Fathi (ed.), Iranian Refugees and Exiles Since Khomeini
(California: Mazda Publishers, 1991); Asgharzadeh, "Islamic
Fundamentalism, Globalization, and Migration."

[31] Mahmood Kashgari, Divan Lugat et-Turk, translation by M. Siyaqi,
(Tehran: Pajuheshgah-e Olum-e Ensani ve Motaleat-e Farhangi,
1073/1996).

[32] A.N. Kononov, Opit analiza termina "Turk," (SE, No 1, 1947);
Zehtabi, Iran Turklerinin Eski Tarixi.

[33] Chafi Javadi, Tabriz ve Piramun (Tehran: Nahsr-e Diba, 1971);
Enayetullah Reza, Iran va Turkan dar Ruzgar-e Sasanian (Tehran:
Sherket-e Entsharat-e Elmi va Farhangi, 1986).

[34] Asgharzadeh, Iran and the Challenge of Diversity.

[35] Alireza Asgharzadeh, "The Anatomy of Iranian Racism: Reflections
on the Root Causes of South Azerbaijan's Resistance Movement," Baku
Today, May 28, 2006, http://www.bakutoday.net/view.php?d=21507.



[36] Alireza Nazmi-Afshar, "Sokhani ba mardom-e Azerbaijan Janubi,"
Shams Tabriz, May 13, 2006, http://www.shamstabriz.com/nazmi-name.htm.



[37] G.B. Lanfranchi and S. Parpola (eds.), State Archives of
Assyiría, Vol. V, The Correspondence of Sargon II: Letters from the
Northern and Northeastern Provinces (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project, 1990).

[38] Lanfranchi and Parpola, State Archives of Assyria; Firidun
Agasioglu, Azer Xalqi (Baki:Chashioglu Neshriyyati, 2000), pp. 16-17.

[39] See for example Ibn Howqal, Surat al-Arz [Face of the Earth], J.
Shoar (ed.) (Tehran: Bonyad-e Farhang-e Iran, 1966); A.A. al-Mas'udi,
Kitab al-Tanbih wal-Ishraf, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum, VIII,
M.J. de Goeje (ed.) (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1894); S. al-Muqaddasi, Ahsan
ut-Taqasim fi Ma'rifat ul-Aqalim, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum,
M.J. de Geoje (ed.), (M.J. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1906); Yaqut Hamavi,
Kitab Mo'jam al-Buldan, Vol. 1, F. Wustenfeld (ed.) (Leipzig:
Brockhaus, 1866).

[40] Hamavi, Kitab Mo'jam, p. 102.

[41] M. Khalaf-Tabrizi, Borhan-e Qate', M. Moin (ed.) (Tehran: Ibn-e
Sina, 1983), p. 24.

[42] Mahmood Afshar, "Aghaznameh"Ayendeh, Vol. 1, No. 1, (1925), pp. 5-6.

[43] Joseph Marquaurt, Eransahr nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses
Xorenac'i (Berlin: Weidmann, 1901); Gordon V. Childe, The Aryans: A
Study of Indo-European Origins (London: Kegan Paul, 1926).

[44] Asgharzadeh, Iran and the Challenge of diversity.

[45] Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hejdah Saleh-ye Azerbaijan (Tehran:
Taban, 1941); Ahmad Kasravi, Azeri ya Zaban-e Bastan-e Azerbaigan,
(Tehran: Taban, 1938); Ahmad Kasravi, Shahryaran-e Gomnam, (Tehran,
1929); Yahya Zaka, Maqalat-e Kasravi, (Tehran: Nahsr-e Danesh, 1955).

[46] Ilham Aliev, "A Conversation with Ilham Aliyev," Federal News
Service, April 26, 2006,
http://www.cfr.org/publication/10547/conversation_with_ilham_aliyev_rush_transcript_federal_news_service_inc.html.

[47] Ibid.

[48] "Hamvatanan-e Aziz-e Azerbaijani,"Shams Tabriz News, May 9, 2006,
p.1, http://www.shamstabriz.com/kanada-sarsomary.htm.

[49] "Hamvatanan-e Eziz."

[50] Mahammed Amin Resulzade, Azerbaijan Problemi (Ankara: Azerbaycan
Kultur DernekiYayinlari, 1920/1996).

[51] See for example, Salman Rushdie, Imaginary Homelands (London:
Granta/Penguin, 1991); Homi Bhabha, Nation and Narration, (London:
Routledge, 1990); Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture, (London:
Routledge, 1994); Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, ACritique of
Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History of the Vanishing Present
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999); Edward Said, Orientalism
(New York: Vintage Books, 1979).

Alireza Asgharzadeh teaches the sociology of knowledge, the sociology
of education, and comparative educational systems in the Department of
Sociology at York University. His latest book is Iran and the
Challenge of Diversity: Aryanist Racism, Islamic Fundamentalism, and
Democratic Struggles (Palgrave Macmillan, July 2007).

http://globalpolitician.com/articles.asp?ID=3860&print=true


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