Divisions of Nationality and Ethnicity Complicate Russia's Recent Claim to a Sphere of Influence
Rusiko Amirejibi-Mullen
r.amirejibi-mullen at qmul.ac.uk
Wed Oct 8 15:47:43 UTC 2008
By Judith Latham
Washington
08 October 2008
Russia sent its troops in August 2008 across its borders to crush the
Georgian offensive against South Ossetia
For the first time since the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991,
Russia intervened in its former republics when it sent its troops in
August 2008 across its borders to crush the Georgian offensive against
South Ossetia. Regardless of Western demands, Russians occupied large
parts of Georgia and set a buffer zone around South Ossetia and
Abkhazia. Russian President Dmitri Medvedev justified those actions
because of Moscow’s “privileged interests” in areas formerly in its
domain. He said Russian foreign policy would be guided by this
principle of special rights within its perceived “sphere of influence.”
So what exactly is Russia’s self-proclaimed “sphere of influence”? And
what forces of ethnic separatism in the post-Soviet world abut that
claim?
Paul Goble is director of research and publications at the Azerbaijan
Diplomatic Academy in Baku. He is an analyst and writer with expertise
on Russia, Eurasia and public diplomacy
Paul Goble, an American analyst and writer with expertise on Russia,
Eurasia, public diplomacy, and international broadcasting, is the
editor of five volumes on ethnicity and religion in the former Soviet
Union. Currently director of research and publications at the
Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy in Baku, Goble has published more than
150 articles on ethnic and nationality problems, and he reads 15 of
the separate languages used in the post-Soviet region.
Important Distinctions Regarding “Nationality”
Appearing on VOA’s Press Conference USA with co-hosts Judith Latham
and Elez Biberaj, Goble presented some details about the Russian
population. He notes that in 2002, the Russian Federation officially
listed about 400 national and ethnic groups. Of those, ethnic
Russians represented about 70 percent of the total population. Four
years earlier, in the last Soviet census (which included all 15 former
Soviet republics), Goble says the list of national and ethnic groups
was nearly twice as large. The point, says Goble, is that the Russian
word for “nationality” has several meanings – and uses. To
ethnographers, nationality refers to an ethnic group with “some degree
of self-consciousness.” Legally speaking, one is thought to be a
member of a group because one’s parents were. But Goble says the
Soviet definition of nationality was almost entirely driven by language.
Russia’s Perceived “Sphere” of Influence
Russian President Dmitri Medvedev wants to restore a 19th century
concept of Russia’s “sphere of influence"
Regarding President Medvedev’s concept of “sphere of influence,” Goble
says the concept can be interpreted in different ways. In the view of
the Russian president, he says, the first dimension is “territorial”
and it includes the former Soviet republics, especially the 12 members
of the Commonwealth of Independent States. But beyond that, Goble
suggests that Mr. Medvedev wants to restore a 19th century concept of
Russia’s “sphere of influence” – something that includes the former
“Eastern bloc” of Europe as well as those countries that “neighbor the
former Soviet space,” such as Afghanistan and Turkey. It would be a
claim that no longer exists in the international legal system. It is
also an assertion of power that U.S. foreign policy has rejected for
some time.
A second meaning for what Medvedev calls a “privileged” sphere of
influence refers to what Paul Goble defines as a “functional division”
of the world – that is, those economic and military questions in which
Russia believes it should be a full participant.
The Impact of Ethnicity on Russia’s Claim
…in Ukraine
Goble says there are several reasons why Russia’s move into Georgia is
not likely to be repeated in Ukraine. First, he explains, Georgia is
a small country with 5-6 million people whereas Ukraine is a state of
nearly 50 million people. Second, Goble says the divisions within
Ukraine are not nearly so deep as Moscow claims or as U.S. journalists
based in Moscow report. He says while many ethnic Russians in eastern
Ukraine are proud of their heritage, they do not want to be citizens
of Russia because they feel they are “far better off in a Ukraine that
is on its way to becoming a member of the EU.” A third reason, Goble
says, is that Ukraine has a very clear constitutional prohibition
against dual citizenship – something that would preclude a repetition
in Ukraine of Russia’s ploy to insert itself on behalf of “Russian”
citizens in Georgia’s breakaway regions who had just a month earlier
been issued Russian passports.
By supporting separatism in Georgia, Goble says Moscow runs the risk
of encouraging separatism within the Russian Federation itself. Goble
says it could lead to two possible results – either a decay of central
authority and an exodus of people in the Middle Volga region and in
the Caucasus similar to the situation at the end of the Soviet Union,
or a Russian government that becomes so repressive of its minorities
that it produces explosions. Goble says Moscow risks not only losing
the non-Russian population of the Caucasus, but also the predominantly
ethnic Russian populations of Siberia and the far eastern region.
…in the Caucasus
In the south Caucasus, there are three very different countries in
terms of their ethnic mix. Due to the Nagorno-Karabakh war,
Azerbaijan is almost all Azerbaijani, although it is one-third Sunni
Muslim and two-thirds Shi’a. Armenia, which had a significant Azeri
minority, also has Assyrians and Kurds, but it is overwhelmingly a
mono-ethnic state now. The real question for those two countries,
Goble says, is the number of people who live abroad in “diaspora”
communities. Georgia has five major ethnic minorities, two of which
(Ossetians and Abkhaz) had autonomous republic status until Russia’s
recent invasion -- Ajars in Ajaria (on the Black Sea), Azerbaijanis in
the east, and Armenians in the south. Since independence in 1991,
perhaps a million Georgians have been living in the Russian Federation.
Paul Goble says the north Caucasus is among the most ethnically
complicated places on earth. In Chechnya, Ingushetia, Dagestan, North
Ossetia, and other areas of the north Caucasus, there are at least 100
small ethnic groups that speak languages that are not mutually
intelligible. And Goble says they have only three things in common –
geographic isolation, their Islamic identity, and a historical pattern
in which Moscow has “never controlled the north Caucasus until it
controlled the south Caucasus.”
…in the Baltic States
Goble says as part of the Soviet Union, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania
were occupied countries, but from the perspective of international
law, not union republics. During the recent conflict in Georgia, the
presidents of all three Baltic states– along with the presidents of
Poland and Ukraine – flew to Tbilisi to express their support for the
Georgians. They have also called for rapid NATO membership for Georgia.
Lithuania is overwhelmingly ethnic Lithuanian, and the second minority
is not Russian but Polish. In Estonia, 68 percent is ethnically
Estonian, and about 30 percent is ethnic Russian. In Latvia, about 50
percent is ethnic Latvian, 30 percent is ethnic Russian, and 15
percent is made up of Ukrainians, Byelorussians, and others. Goble
says that over the years Moscow has tried to exploit the ethnic
Russian minority in these countries because the Baltic republics did
not offer citizenship to people who had been moved in by the occupying
power, and consequently many of these people are without passports.
…in Central Asia
In Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan,
there is a quite different mix – Turkic peoples, Persians, other
non-Russians, and ethnic Russians. In the 1920’s, when borders were
drawn, most of these peoples spoke more than one language. Today, more
important than the ethnic conflicts in Central Asia, are fights over
water and food. To illustrate, within 12 to 15 months the Aral Sea
will no longer exist, which Goble says, will lead to a health crisis
in Central Asia that “we cannot imagine.”
…in Moldova
Moldova has ethnic ties to Romania, Russia, and Ukraine. Paul Goble
suggests that the separatist region of Trans-Dniestria, on the
Ukrainian border, may be the only place where the 1991 coup succeeded;
that is, it is still Soviet. Furthermore, he says Moscow has used this
“frozen conflict” primarily against Ukraine to gain leverage.
Another ethnic issue in Moldova involves the Gagauz, a people who
speak a Turkic language, but are the “only group on earth” that ever
voluntarily converted from Christianity to Islam – and then back to
Orthodox Christianity. In addition, the Gagauz are a heavily armed
population (thanks to Turkey) and have a constitutional right to
choose independence.
…in the Slavic States
Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus have their own ethnic tensions. Most
important, Paul Goble says, is that Ukrainians are not Russians, and
Byelorussians are not Russians. One of the huge mistakes, he argues,
is that the West accepts the Russian version of reality in which there
was a Russian nation from which Ukrainians and Byelorussians split.
Ethnically they were established at about the same time, although
Russia has had a state longer.
Ukraine wants to be part of the West. Although it will not be easy,
Goble says, he thinks it will come about over time. And he predicts
that Belarus will also move away from Russia because it is unlikely to
be satisfied in the long run with the status of having six oblasts in
the Russian Federation.
http://www.voanews.com/english/NewsAnalysis/2008-10-08-voa11.cfm
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