query: associative plurals via noun-verb disagreement
Balthasar Bickel
autotype at UNI-LEIPZIG.DE
Fri Nov 14 06:31:13 UTC 2008
David -- since you also asked for negative data: Belhare (Kiranti,
Sinotibetan) does not allow ASPD. I tested this when exploring other
effects of 'disagreement'. (Disagreement in number, with a singular NP
and a nonsingular agreement marker, results in meanings like 'one of
them laughed'. I have a paper on this in Studies in Language, 2000).
-- Balthasar.
On Nov 13 2008, at 15:53, David Gil wrote:
> Dear all,
>
> I am interested in the cross-linguistic distribution of a
> construction type in which an associative plural meaning, eg. 'John
> and his associates', results from a singular noun triggering plural
> number agreement on the verb, as illustrated in the following
> examples from Roon (an Austronesian language spoken in the
> Cenderawasih bay of New Guinea):
>
> (1) Amos-i i-berif
> Amos-PERS 3SG:ANIM-laugh
> 'Amos is laughing'
>
> (2) Amos-i su-berif
> Amos-PERS 3DU:ANIM-laugh
> 'Amos and his friend are laughing'
>
> (3) Amos-i si-berif
> Amos-PERS 3PL:ANIM-laugh
> 'Amos and his friends are laughing'
>
> Example (1) shows ordinary agreement, with a singular subject
> triggering singular verb agreement. However, examples (2) and (3)
> illustrate how an associative plural interpretation is derived via
> disagreement, with the still-singular subject occurring in
> construction with dual- and plural-subject marked verbs
> respectively. We might therefore call the construction in (2) and
> (3) an Associative Plural via Disagreement, or ASPD.
>
> My question is: how common is this ASPD construction in the
> languages of the world? I would be very grateful for examples of
> other languages that have ASPDs I would also appreciate any
> pointers to discussion of this construction in the literature. The
> only mention that I am familiar with is that of Daniel and Moravcsik
> in their WALS chapter on associative plurals, where they cite Plains
> Cree as having a similar construction; but their chapter does not
> provide a clear picture of how widespread this construction is cross-
> linguistically.
>
> A major challenge in typology is to collect negative data, ie.
> reliable reports that a certain language lacks a particular
> construction (as opposed to it simply not being mentioned in a
> couple of grammar books). Thus, I would also greatly appreciate
> definitive reports that such-and-such a language does *not* have
> ASPDs. (Whereas for languages with no verbal number agreement, the
> absence of ASPDs is a logical necessity, for languages with verbal
> number agreement, the absence of ASPDs becomes a substantive and
> interesting fact about the language.) For starters, English, even
> though it has verbal number agreement, lacks an ASPD: you can't say
> *'John are laughing' to mean 'John and his friends are laughing', as
> in (3) above. Hebrew and Russian are also like English in this
> respect. So if the language(s) you are familiar with have verbal
> number agreement but lack an ASPD, please let me know too!
>
> While the above Roon example involves subject-verb agreement, one
> could also imagine ASPDs arising out of other kinds of agreement,
> eg. object-verb. Have any examples of such other kinds of ASPDs
> ever been encountered?
>
> Thanks and best wishes,
>
> David
>
> --
> David Gil
>
> Department of Linguistics
> Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
> Deutscher Platz 6, D-04103 Leipzig, Germany
>
> Telephone: 49-341-3550321 Fax: 49-341-3550119
> Email: gil at eva.mpg.de
> Webpage: http://www.eva.mpg.de/~gil/
>
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