[Lingtyp] Seats of emotions: experiencer pronouns, body-part collocations and similar

Paolo Ramat paoram at unipv.it
Tue Jun 30 14:41:23 UTC 2015


Hi Kilu,

May be also a look at G.Manzelli / P. Ramat / E. Roma, Remarks on marginal possession: are feelings owned? In: Mediterranean languages. Papers from the MEDTYP workshop, Tirrenia, June 2000. Ed. by Paolo Ramat & Thomas Stolz. Universitätsverlag Dr. N. Brockmeyer. Bochum 2002: 223-245 and at  Ch. Fedriani / G. Manzelli /P. Ramat,   Gradualness in contact-induced constructional replication: the Abstract Possession construction in the Circum-Mediterranean area. In: Anna Giacalone, Caterina Mauri & Piera Molinelli (eds.), Synchrony and Diachrony: A dynamic interface. Amsterdam / Philadelphia, Benjamins, 2013: 391-418 could be useful.
In these articles cases such as Tok Pisin Nek belong mi drai lit. My neck is dry, i.e. “I’m thirsty”, Turk. karnIm acIktI  lit. My stomach felt hungry, i.e. “I’m hungry” are discussed among other, perhaps lesser fitting, examples.


Best wishes.
Paolo

Prof.Paolo Ramat
Università di Pavia
Istituto Universitario di Studi Superiori (IUSS Pavia)


From: Mark Donohue 
Sent: Monday, June 29, 2015 1:50 AM
To: Stef Spronck 
Cc: mailto:lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org 
Subject: Re: [Lingtyp] Seats of emotions: experiencer pronouns, body-part collocations and similar

At risk of adding yet another posting to what is pretty much a universal phenomenon in language, think about Indo-European.

Most Indo-European languages associate feelings with the organ that pumps blood. Think of the metaphors, love songs, and poetry associated with English heart, Spanish corazón, Portuguese coração, French coeur, Greek καρδία, etc. Think also of English expressions such as “gut feeling,” "gut-wrenching", “butterflies in X’s stomach,” “POSSESSOR’s heart jumped,” “POSSESSOR’s heart reaches out to Y,” "cold-hearted", etc., to see how common (internal) body-part metaphors are in the expression of feelings.

And we could mention expressions in English like smart-ass, dumb-ass, etc., to show that associating personal characteristics with body parts is all over the place (see Van Klinken 2007 for a fascinating contact perspective on this).

One rich attestation of body-part-as-seat-of-emotion concerns collocations with _isa_ 'heart, core' from Oirata (De Josselin de Jong 1937), in Eastern Indonesia:

isa ‘heart, core, contents’
isa aharahe ‘hopeless’ (ahara only appears in this compound; he ‘NEG’)
isa arutu ‘greedy’ (arutu only appears in this compound)
isa elewe ‘dejected’ (alewe only appears in this compound)
isa hanate ‘compassionate’ (hanate ‘distress’)
isa huhule ‘loathe, be sick’ (huhule ‘disease’)
isa huna ‘in the middle’ (huna ‘calf [of leg]’)
isa iliare ‘grow faint-hearted’ (i-liare ‘REFL-transformed)
isa kahare ‘craving’ (kahare ‘spoil, bad’)
isa lolo he ‘anxious, worrying’ (lolo ‘good, true’; he ‘negative’)
isa malare ‘angry, jealous’ (malare ‘sour, bitter, hot’)
isa eme halu ‘repent, regret’ (eme ‘get, cause’; halu ‘remorse’)
isa muduni ‘keep a secret’ (muduni ‘within’)
isa seile ‘hold out, constrain oneself’ (seile ‘draw, pull’)
isa tapu ‘breast, heart’ (tapu ‘kernel, pit, seed’)
isa tapu anaje ‘think over’ (anaje ‘try, fetch’)
isa tapu nanate ‘abhor, shudder’ (nanate ‘APPL-stand’)
isa tapu pai ‘make a keepsake’ (pai ‘cause’)
isa tapu ruru ‘be moved’ (ruru ‘throb, shake’)
isa tutu ‘like, want’ (tutu ‘drink’)
isa umumu ‘forget’ (umu ‘die’)
isa wale ‘gift (out of charity)’ (wale ‘walk, travel’)
isa wara ‘at ease, content’ (wara ‘clear, clean, evident’)
isa pai wara ‘move one’s heart, inspire with sympathy, satisfy’ (pai ‘cause’)


A particularly interesting reference on the subject is Musgrave (2006), in which we take the widespread distribution of these constructions as a given, and then examine actual frequencies and elaborations. There is some additional areal discussion in Donohue & Grimes (2008), and beautifully nuanced discussion in Van Klinken's work.


References
De Josselin de Jong, J. P. B. 1937. Studies in Indonesian culture I: Oirata, a Timorese settlement on Kisar. Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgeverij.

Donohue, Mark, and Charles E. Grimes. 2008. Yet more on the position of the languages of eastern Indonesia and East Timor. Oceanic Linguistics 47 (1): 115-159.

Musgrave, Simon. 2006. Complex emotion predicates in eastern Indonesia: evidence for language contact? In Matras, Y., McMahon, A., & Vincent, N. (eds.) Linguistic Areas: Convergence in Historical and Typological Perspective, 227-243. Houndmills & New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Van Klinken-Williams, Catharina. 2007. Is he hot-blooded or hot inside? Expression of emotion and character in Tetun Dili. The 5th ENUS Conference on Language and Culture, The University of Nusa Cendana, Kupang. (http://www.tetundit.tl/publications.html)

Van Klinken-Williams, Catharina. 2010. Metaphors we judge by: Mediation in Wehali. In John Bowden, Nikolaus Himmelmann and Malcolm Ross (eds), A journey through Austronesian and Papuan linguistic and cultural space: papers in honour of Andrew Pawley. Canberra, Pacific Linguistics



On 29 June 2015 at 07:12, Stef Spronck <Stef.Spronck at kuleuven.be> wrote:

  Missionary  linguist Howard Coate, who did a lot of work in the Kimberley region of Western Australia has an interesting unpublished conference paper with the following passage about the metaphorical extension of body parts in Ungarinyin (non-Pama-Nyungan, Worrorran):



  `By the cultural outlook of the people, it seems to be a given assumption that:



  The ears are the seat of wisdom.

  The stomach is the seat of happiness, pleasure and generosity.

  The liver is the seat of affection - the heart very rarely so.

  The pancreas is the seat of anger.’



  (The metaphorical extension of the ears has been documented in languages throughout Australia, see Nick Evans and David Wilkins’s 2000 Language paper ‘In the mind’s ear’. )



  This type of body part construction is very frequent in Ungarinyin narratives, examples from Howard Coate’s paper include (glosses added):



  (1)          a-di o-ni-ngarri-nga

  3msg-liver 3msg.O:3sg.S-act.on-PST-SUB-EMPH

  `He became suspicious (that another man was loving his wife)' (Lit. his liver was smiting him) 



  (2)          a-jila a-ma-nga 

  3msg-pancreas 3msg.O:3sg.S-take-PST

  `He was angry with him' (Lit. he took his pancreas)



  Best,

  Stef



  From: Lingtyp [mailto:lingtyp-bounces at listserv.linguistlist.org] On Behalf Of Peter Austin
  Sent: zondag 28 juni 2015 20:44
  To: Matthew Dryer
  Cc: <LINGTYP at LISTSERV.LINGUISTLIST.ORG>
  Subject: Re: [Lingtyp] Seats of emotions: experiencer pronouns, body-part collocations and similar



  For Australian Aboriginal languages there are a number of published sources, including Maia Ponsonnet's recent book on Dalabon (https://benjamins.com/#catalog/books/clscc.4/main) and Father Anthony Piele's book/dictionary on Kukatja (out of print but you can order from Amazon http://www.gould.com.au/Body-Soul-Aboriginal-Viewpoint-p/hes009.htm).



  In Dieri, there are constructions parallel to those you describe that involve the word kalhu 'liver', eg. kadlhu marra- 'liver become.red' = to yearn for, kalhu miltyarri- 'liver become.pieces' = to feel sorry for, kalhu paki- 'liver burst' = to grieve, feel sorry for.



  In Jiwarli the parallel constructions use puju 'stomach', eg. puju pakalyarri- 'to feel happy' (lit. stomach become.good), puju walhi 'to be sad' (lit. stomach bad).



  Best,

  Peter







  On 28 June 2015 at 17:07, Matthew Dryer <dryer at buffalo.edu> wrote:



    Walman (Torricelli; Papua New Guinea) has a number of idioms of this sort, though some of these denote mental states that are not really emotions, but subjective physical states, like ‘be hungry’ or ‘feel sick’, or cognitive states like ‘remember’.  Most involve as subject a noun won, whose only contemporary meaning is ‘chest’, but which is clearly cognate to the word for ‘heart’ in related languages. With the meaning ‘chest’, won is grammatically feminine, like most inanimate nouns in Walman.  But in idioms relating to mental states, however, won is masculine, as subject agreement with the copula -o in (1) shows. 



          (1)
         To
         kum
         won
         n-o
         kisiel.
         

         so
         1sg
         heart
         3sg.m.subj-be
         fast
         

                ‘Then I got angry.’



    When the predicate in these idioms is an adjective, as in (1), the noun phrase expressing the experiencer comes first, but grammatically is not subject, object, or possessor.  In many of these idioms, the predicate is an adjective, but in some it is a verb with the experiencer as object, as in (2), where ‘they are happy’ is literally ‘heart follows them’.



    (2)       Ri        won     n-rowlo-y

                3pl       heart    3sg.m.subj-follow-3pl.obj

                ‘They are happy.’



    Some idioms relating to mental states make use of words which appear to have different meanings outside of the idioms in which they occur. For instance in (3), the noun nyukuel only occurs in this idiom apart from the expression oputo nyukuel ‘food’ (where oputo means ‘yam’).



          (3)
         Kum
         m-aro-n
         nyukuel
         w-au.
         

         1sg
         1sg-and-3sg.m
         -
         3sg-hit.1obj
         

                ‘We (I and him) are hungry.’



    The word cheliel, which occurs in the idiom in (4), occurs elsewhere only as an adjective meaning ‘hot’.



          (4)
         Runon
         cheliel
         w-oko-n.
         

         3sg.m
         sick
         3sg.f.subj-take-3sg.m.obj
         

                ‘He felt sick.’



    The word glossed as ‘angry’ in (5) is a transitive verb that does not occur outside this idiom; its subject is won ‘heart’ and its object denotes the experiencer.



          (5)
         Kum
         won
         n-p-akou.
         

         1sg
         heart
         3sg.m.subj-1obj-angry
         

                ‘I am angry.’



    In (6), the expression for ‘be ashamed’ has the word chie ‘mother’s older sister’ as subject and the verb -arao ‘carry on back, with strap around forehead’ (though one or both of these could be accidental homonymy), with the experiencer object of the verb.



          (6)
         To
         ri
         konungkol
         chie
         w-arao-y.
         

         then
         3pl
         man.pl
         mother's.older.sister
         3sg.f-carry.on.forehead-3pl.obj
         

                ‘Then the men were ashamed.’



    In (7), the verb is an intransitive verb, with won as subject and the experiencer as neither subject, object, nor possessor.



          (7)
         Ru
         won
         n-iri
         

         3sg.fem
         heart
         3sg.masc-stand.up
         

                ‘She fell in love with him.’



    In (8), the predicate is a word nyopunon, which occurs outside this idiom only as a noun meaning ‘leader’.



          (8)
         Akou
         n-aro-n
         won
         nyopunon.
         

         finish
         3sg.m-and-3sg.m
         heart
         leader
         

                ‘The two [brothers] were happy.’



    In (9), the predicate is a noun chrieu, whose original meaning means ‘marks’ (as in a mark in a tree to signal some meaning, or sticks on the ground to show the route one has followed) but which is now used for any form of writing.



          (9)
         o
         runon
         mon
         won
         chrieu
         pelen
         cha
         runon
         n-awanie-y.
         

         and
         3sg.m
         neg
         heart
         marks
         dog
         so.that
         3sg.m
         3sg.m-call-3pl
         

                ‘... he did not remember to call the dogs.’



    A different sort of idiom involving a body part is illustrated in (10), where the body part is saykil ‘liver’ functioning as postverbal nonobject with the reflexive form of the verb for ‘kill’ and the experiencer as subject.



          (10)
         Ru
         w-r-aypon
         saykil.
         

         3sg.f
         3sg.f-refl-kill
         liver
         

                ‘She is boastful.’



    The following is a table of these idioms:







          expression
         



          gloss
         

          meaning of first part
         

          meaning of second part
         grammatical relation of

          experiencer
         
          won no kisiel
         be angry, get angry
         “heart”
         be fast
         -
         
          won no cheliel
         angry
         “heart”
         be hot
         -
         
          won nakou
         angry
         “heart”
         --
         obj
         
          won nyopu
         happy
         “heart”
         good
         -
         
          won nrowlo
         happy
         “heart”
         follow
         obj
         
          won nyupunon
         happy
         “heart”
         leader
         -
         
          won woyuen
         sad, to worry
         “heart”
         bad
         -
         
          won niri
         to fall in love
         “heart”
         stand up
         -
         
          won pel
         thirsty
         “heart”
         up out of water
         -
         
          won kel
         fall asleep
         ‘heart”
         --
         -
         
          won chrieu
         remember
         “heart”
         marks, writing
         -
         
          won osopul
         forget
         “heart”
         --
         -
         
          nyukuel wapu
         hungry
         --
         hit
         obj
         
          nyupul yarie
         sleepy
         sleep
         hit
         obj
         
          cheliel woko
         feel sick, be sick
         hot
         take
         obj
         
          chie warao
         ashamed
         (wife’s older

          sister)
         carry with strap around head
         obj
         
          -raypon saykil
         boastful / excited
         hit oneself
         liver
         subj
         



    Further examples:



    (11)     Runon nyupul y-arie-n

                3sg.m   sleep    3pl-hit-3sg.m

                ‘He feels sleepy.’



          (12)
         O
         rul
         pa
         mon
         won
         kel,
         runon
         n-an
         wor.
         

         and
         3.dimin
         that
         neg
         heart
         --
         3sg.m
         3sg.m-be.at
         high
         

                ‘But the little boy didn't go to sleep and stayed up.’



          (13)
         Kum
         mon
         won
         woyue-n.
         
         

         1sg
         neg
         heart
         bad-m
         
         

                'Nothing worries me.'



    (14)     Isaac    won     nyopu-ø.

                Isaac    heart    good-f

                ‘Isaac is happy.’



    Matthew Dryer and Lea Brown






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