[Lingtyp] Morphological marking of non-adjacent adnominal modifiers?
Larry M Hyman
hyman at berkeley.edu
Sat Aug 19 16:55:51 UTC 2023
I have a question whether anyone knows of a case where all but an
immediately adjacent adnominal modifier are marked with special morphology.
In Bantu languages a common situation is that only a subset of (postposed)
adnominal modifiers phrase with the head noun, e.g. possessive pronouns and
nouns. In the Tiania dialect of Central Kenya Bantu language Kimeru, all
immediate adnominal modifiers phrase with the head noun except
demonstratives and some quantifiers (which makes sense). However, in cases
of multiple postposed modifiers, there is a superhigh boundary tone (S%)
separating each modifier (see especially (34) below). S is marked with the
double acute accent mark ̋ ,
I am wondering if this is only a phonological phrase phenomenon or whether
anyone knows of a language where non-adjacent adnominal modifiers have
special (segmental) morphological marking? Importantly, the morphology
shows that the second, third etc. modifiers are not appositional (*books
three, new ones’). Applying an analogy to the verb phrase, I think of them
as “oblique”, e.g. ‘books three of new’, but there is no morphological
evidence of this, only the S% boundary tone that is used in other contexts
to mark the end of a phonological phrase, e.g. o-ko-or-er-a mó-re̋mi %
me-bukɔ ‘we have just bought the farmer % bags’.
Here is an extract from a handout of a talk I recently gave on the subject
at a workshop in Berkeley on Definiteness in the Niger-Congo noun phrase
organized by Peter Jenks and Mark Van de Velde.
(28) Perhaps the structure of the NP (DP) can help us. In the case of
quantifiers, they generally come last, whether they agree with the noun or
not. It seems reasonable, therefore, for them to be phrased separately.
Here again from (10a) is the summary table of modifier combinations in the
noun phrase.
DEM
POSS
ADJ
NUM
QUANT
DEM
√
√
√
√
POSS
*
√
√
√
ADJ
*
(√)
√
√
√
NUM
*
(√)
√
√
QUANT
*
*
*
*
(29) Word order generalizations (ignoring appositional cases)
a. demonstratives must come first
b. quantifiers must come last
c. possessive pronouns tend to be preceded only by
demonstratives
d. the two cells marked (√) are acceptable if emphasis is
placed on the ADJ or NUM
e. the unmarked word order therefore would appear to be
NOUN + DEM + POSS + { ADJ, NUM } + QUANT
(30) a. DEM + POSS ma-úkú yáa̋ yáákwa ‘these books of
mine’ (note S on DEM)
b. DEM + ADJ ma-úkú yáa̋ mɛɛ́ro ‘these new
books’
c. DEM + NUM ma-úkú yáa̋ yátháto ‘these three
books’
d. DEM + QUANT ma-úkú yáa̋ yɔ́ɔnthɛ˚ ‘all three books’
Note in (30b) that the S augment does not appear on an adjective
if it is preceded by a demonstrative, hence class 6 *mɛɛ́ro* from /ma-ɛ́ro/
vs.* ma-úkú ya̋mɛɛ́ro* from /ya̋-ma-ɛ́ro/. Would be two determiners.
(31) a. POSS + ADJ ma-úkú yáákwa̋ ya̋mɛɛ́ro ‘my
new books’ (note S on POSS)
b. POSS + NUM ma-úkú yáákwa̋ yátháto ‘my
three books’
c. POSS + QUANT ma-úkú yáákwa̋ yɔ́ɔnthɛ˚ ‘all my
books’
(32) a. ADJ + POSS ma-úkú ya̋mɛɛ̋ro yáákwá ‘my new
books’ (note S on ADJ)
b. ADJ + ADJ ma-úkú ya̋mɛɛ̋ro ya̋manɛ́nɛ
‘big new books’
c. ADJ + NUM ma-úkú ya̋mɛɛ̋ro yátháto
‘three new books’
d. ADJ + QUANT ma-úkú ya̋mɛɛ̋ro yɔ́ɔnthɛ˚ ‘all
new books’
(33) a. NUM + POSS ma-úkú yátha̋to yáákwá ‘my
three books’ (note S on NUM)
b. NUM + ADJ ma-úkú yátha̋to ya̋mɛɛ́ro
‘three new books’
c. NUM + QUANT ma-úkú yátha̋to yɔ́ɔnthɛ˚ ‘all
three books’
(34) No case has been found where two modifiers join together in the same
phonological phrase, whether with the head noun or not. Instead, each
non-final modifier gets the HS% tone. This is illustrated in the following
pragmatically unnatural, but logically grammatical series of five modifiers:
Noun Dem
Poss
Adj
Num
Quant
[ ma-úkú
yáa̋ ]PhP
[ yáákwa̋ ]PhP
[ ya̋mɛɛ̋ro ]PhP
[ yátha̋to ]PhP
[ yɔ́ɔnthɛ˚ ]PhP
cl6-book
these
my
new
three
all
‘all these three new books of mine’ A nested structure is
also possible:
[ [ [ [ [ ma-úkú
yáa̋ ]PhP
yáákwa̋ ]PhP
ya̋mɛɛ̋ro ]PhP
yátha̋to ]PhP
yɔ́ɔnthɛ˚ ]PhP
--
Larry M. Hyman, Distinguished Professor of the Graduate School
& Director, France-Berkeley Fund, University of California, Berkeley
https://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~hyman
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