[Lingtyp] Moods and non-finites?
Christian Lehmann
christian.lehmann at uni-erfurt.de
Sat Jul 15 13:23:28 UTC 2023
Okay, then let's agree that no-one of those who have taken part in this
discussion has implied any assumptions on discreteness of the
distinction between finite and non-finite.
I see finiteness as one of those many concepts of traditional grammar
which have, over the past two and a half millennia, proved useful in the
description of the languages that they were coined for and for some
other SAE languages that are sufficiently similar. Given such a
grammatical concept, the question for the typologist is then: Assume you
discover in an unrelated language a phenomenon which reminds you of that
familiar concept: should the phenomenon be subsumed under it, and if so,
under what conditions? Given a positive answer to the first question,
you take those structural and functional features which constitute the
traditional concept as a point of departure and relax them so that the
new phenomenon falls under the concept. You then check whether the
expanded concept is still useful. [And here we need an explanation of
what constitutes the usefulness of a scientific concept.] It may, for
instance, now overlap with other known concepts, or the relaxed criteria
may now be too weak; so the expansion was not useful.
Now applying this to 'finite vs. non-finite': In those languages for
which the distinction was first made, the definition is simply: A verb
form inflected for person is finite, other verb forms are non-finite.
And it has always been clear that the distribution of these two kinds of
forms over syntactic constructions is such (with appropriate
refinements) that finite forms occur in independent clauses while
non-finite forms occur in dependent verbal constructions.
You then come across a language like Cabecar (Chibchan) in which the
verb does not inflect for person in the first place. A possible reaction
of the analyst is: The language lacks the finiteness distinction. Most
analysts (including me) have not resorted to this reaction, for at least
two reasons: First, naming the structural phenomena of every language by
new terms only because they do not straightforwardly fall under a
traditional concept is simply not feasible. Comparative linguists would
no longer be able to communicate. Second, there is a more general basis
to the traditional concept which is tangible in Cabecar, too: In certain
dependent constructions, the verb lacks certain conjugation categories
which it has as the main verb of an independent clause. In Cabecar, this
is mood and aspect. Thus, Cabecar (as many other non-SAE languages)
possesses a finiteness distinction.
In the particular case of the finiteness distinction, we are in the
happy situation to be able to heed Saussure's and Jakobson's advice that
what matters in language structure are differences. In the case at hand,
it is not necessary to name any particular features like conjugation for
person etc. to define 'finite'. It suffices that the language
distinguish between the conjugation of a verb which is the main
predicate of a sentence and its conjugation in certain subordinate
constructions, and that this distinction can be made in terms of
conjugation categories which are marked in the former context, but not
in the latter. The methodological situation is not nearly as comfortable
in cases like 'ergative' or 'applicative', as these do not presuppose a
(gradual) binary distinction.
A next step in the expansion of the concept could then be, as suggested
by Jürgen and others before him, to apply the finiteness distinction not
only to verb forms, but also to verbal constructions and even to
clauses. Although an expansion of this sort has certainly been useful in
some cases, there are always limits for such expansions. For instance,
certain modal particles occur in German independent clauses which are
banned from subordinate clauses. This would not seem to be a good reason
to call the latter less finite.
It is along these lines that I think we can still make responsible use
of traditional concepts.
Best,
Christian
> Dear Cristian and everyone,
>
> Read the comments more carefully before replying because I did not say
> nor imply that the concept should be dispensed with.
>
> Adam
>
> On Sat, Jul 15, 2023 at 12:46 PM Christian Lehmann
> <christian.lehmann at uni-erfurt.de> wrote:
>
> Dear Adam and everybody,
>
> just a brief reply to this:
>>
>> For a functional-typological audience, I'm sort of surprised the
>> distinction is still brought up as if it was discrete (or not
>> just a matter of definition as Martin points out), since Bybee
>> discussed the issue of inflectional status as a continuum with
>> lexical/derivational in her Morphology book some 30+ years ago.
>> It's also well-known that these notions of inflection/finiteness
>> are tricky or nonapplicable in many so-called polysynthetic
>> languages (e.g. de Reuse 2009).
> It is a recurrent misunderstanding among typologists, chiefly of
> particularist persuasion, that a grammatical concept should be
> dispensed with because it is not discrete, covers a continuum, is
> not applicable to all languages or what not. If one takes this
> position, then *no* grammatical concept whatsoever can be used in
> the description of more than one language. It seems more
> realistic, and even methodologically more fruitful, to live by
> concepts whose cross-linguistic application is "tricky".
> --
>
> Prof. em. Dr. Christian Lehmann
> Rudolfstr. 4
> 99092 Erfurt
> Deutschland
>
> Tel.: +49/361/2113417
> E-Post: christianw_lehmann at arcor.de
> Web: https://www.christianlehmann.eu
>
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>
>
>
> --
> Adam J.R. Tallman
> Post-doctoral Researcher
> Friedrich Schiller Universität
> Department of English Studies
--
Prof. em. Dr. Christian Lehmann
Rudolfstr. 4
99092 Erfurt
Deutschland
Tel.: +49/361/2113417
E-Post: christianw_lehmann at arcor.de
Web: https://www.christianlehmann.eu
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