[Lingtyp] Query: 'Deceased referent' markers

Thu Sep 26 18:06:13 UTC 2024

Dear Michael Daniel,

Unfortunately I am no expert in the language family, but upon your request
I discovered some more mentions of this phenomenon in Hill & Hill (2019),
where the suffixes ‑chui7v in Serrano, -ivy in Kitanemuk, and -k in
Mountain Cahuilla (here labeled as 'DECedent') are all said to mark the
death of a relative denoted by the kin term they are attached to.
(The usage seems to be broader than just kin terms in Kitanemuk; see
§12.3.6.)
It is also claimed that this feature of 'kin terms as verbal forms' is an
areal one, also found "in the Yuman languages that are spoken along the
Colorado River, east of Takic."

(Please kindly allow me to share your message so that my reply gets
delivered to the OP and those who might find it useful.)

Reference:
Hill, Jane H. & Hill, Kenneth C. 2019. Comparative Takic Grammar. Survey of
California and other Indian languages. University of California, Berkeley.

Best regards,
Jaeyeong Yang

2024년 9월 27일 (금) 오전 12:20, Michael Daniel <misha.daniel at gmail.com>님이 작성:

> Dear colleague,
>
> together with my students, I am doing a reading course on the typology of
> nominal tense.
>
> I think we do not have anything yet to read about nominal tense in
> Uto-Aztecan. To tell the truth, I did not even know this family had nominal
> tense - shame on me. Would you recommend a good paper dedicated to nominal
> tense in this family or any of its languages? Maybe there is a glossed open
> access corpus of a UA language with a considerable amount of occurrences of
> nominal tense that we could use?
>
> Thank you in advance,
>
> Michael Daniel
> --
> Михаил Даниэль
> *Я осуждаю агрессию моей страны против Украины.*
> Michael Daniel
> *I condemn my country's aggression in Ukraine.*
>
>
> чт, 26 сент. 2024 г. в 13:07, 양재영 via Lingtyp <
> lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org>:
>
>> Dear Pattie Epps,
>>
>> Tübatulabal (Uto-Aztecan, California) uses a nominal ‘past tense’ suffix
>> -pï- to mark the death of a person (including kins).
>>
>> The language also has a suffix -bai’i- that is used with a kinship term
>> to indicate the kin being referred to is the last surviving one, and a few
>> other interesting phenomena of expressing the death of the ‘connecting
>> relative’.
>>
>> Reference:
>> Voegelin, Charles F. 1935. Tübatulabal Grammar. University of California
>> Press.
>>
>> Best regards,
>> Jaeyeong Yang
>>
>> 2024년 9월 26일 (목) 오후 7:30, Pun Ho Lui via Lingtyp <
>> lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org>님이 작성:
>>
>>> Dear Pattie Epps,
>>>
>>> Narragansett (Algic) is claimed to have a suffix called “absentative”
>>> which can encode a deceased person or lost possessions, e.g. nókac-i ‘my
>>> late deceased mother’ (mother-ABSENTATIVE).
>>>
>>> Reference:
>>>
>>> O’Brien, Frank Waabu. 2009. Grammatical Studies in the Narragansett
>>> Language (Second Edition). Aquidneck Indian Council.
>>>
>>>
>>> Warmest,
>>>
>>> *Pun Ho Lui Joe*
>>>
>>> Epps, Patience L via Lingtyp <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org> 於
>>> 2024年9月26日 下午6:14 寫道：
>>>
>>> Dear all,
>>>
>>> I'm writing regarding a phenomenon that appears to be widely attested in
>>> Amazonian languages, which my project collaborators and I have been calling
>>> a 'deceased referent marker'. We are wondering about the extent to which a
>>> comparable phenomenon exists in other languages of the world - from a
>>> preliminary survey, it appears to have very few close correlates elsewhere.
>>>
>>> The Amazonian-type DRM construction involves using a particular
>>> linguistic marker (which can usually be identified as more grammatical than
>>> lexical, though it's not always an easy distinction to make) within the
>>> noun phrase when making direct reference to a deceased referent. This is
>>> reminiscent of what occurs in some European languages (e.g. English
>>> *the late John, *Portuguese *o finado João*), but tends to be less
>>> lexical and is ubiquitous in discourse, rather than being highly optional
>>> and/or limited to more formal registers. In some languages, the DRM is a
>>> distinct etymon with no other functions; in others, it overlaps with other
>>> functions (most frequently that of a nominal past marker). It is always
>>> used with humans (primarily proper names and kin terms), while some
>>> languages also allow use with non-human referents. In spite of these
>>> variations, there seem to be close parallels in how the construction is
>>> formulated and how it is used discursively across many Amazonian languages.
>>>
>>> An example from Nadëb (Naduhup family, NW Brazil):
>>> *ee           makũuh              ỹ              haw'ëëh
>>> doo                        paah*
>>> father  DRM                       1sg         raise
>>> NMLZ                    PST
>>> 'It was my late father who raised me (there).'
>>>
>>> In defining the Amazonian 'type' of DRM, we are focusing on resources
>>> that a) consist of a morphological element (affix or clitic hosted by the
>>> noun); or b) if arguably more lexical, have a ‘deceased referent’ function
>>> that is relatively distinct from other meanings/morphosyntactic expressions
>>> and/or appears ubiquitously in DRM contexts. We are excluding other kinds
>>> of linguistic strategies for referring to the deceased, including naming
>>> prohibitions, necronyms (passing on the deceased's name to a child), more
>>> pragmatically optional periphrastic strategies (e.g. 'my dead relative',
>>> 'my relative who died recently', etc.). We are also excluding (though we're
>>> interested, for comparative purposes) other types of nominal morphology
>>> relating to the deceased, e.g. a marker that occurs with a kin term X to
>>> mean ‘one whose X has recently died’ in Kayardild (Australia):
>>> *kangku-kurirr* (father’s.father-DEAD) ‘one whose father’s father has
>>> recently died’ (Evans 1995: 197).
>>>
>>> We'd be very grateful for information about comparable phenomena in
>>> languages outside South America.
>>>
>>> All best,
>>> Pattie Epps
>>>
>>>
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