[Lingtyp] Giver and recipient sharing the same marking, but the direct object is marked differently
Christoph Holz
christoph.holz at cqumail.com
Thu Feb 19 17:24:32 UTC 2026
Dear Pun Ho Lui Joe,
Maybe this one also counts: In Tiang (Oceanic, Papua New Guinea), giver and
recipient are core arguments and are marked identically (zero), while the
theme is a peripheral argument and is introduced by the preposition *pâ*
‘with’:
[*imam*]giver *uâ tauai* [*nó*]recipient
[*pâ
ni*]theme
1PL.EXCL PST give 2SG with
coconut
‘We gave you a coconut.’
(There is also another verb for ‘give’, *lis*, where giver and theme are
core arguments and zero-marked, while the recipient is a peripheral
argument marked with the preposition *si*.)
See p. 140 in:
Holz, Christoph. 2023. *A comprehensive grammar of Tiang*. Cairns: Central
Queensland University dissertation.
Best wishes
Christoph
--
*Christoph Holz*
Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Naples L'Orientale
Adjunct Research Fellow, Jawun Research Institute, CQU
Website: https://tianglanguage.wordpress.com/
Orcid: https://orcid.org/0009-0005-7997-4928
Recent publications:
A comprehensive grammar of Tiang
<https://acquire.cqu.edu.au/articles/thesis/A_comprehensive_grammar_of_Tiang/25182350?file=44461052>
Documentation of Konomala <https://www.elararchive.org/dk0759>
On Thu, 19 Feb 2026 at 17:10, Spike Gildea via Lingtyp <
lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org> wrote:
> In at least 3 Cariban languages, the ergative case-marker/postposition is
> derived historically from the dative, so the two are isomorphic. If you
> include subordinate clause constructions, I would guess that this
> syncretism occurs in at least 15 languages. Here is a quick examples from
> Wayana (Taveres 2005: 441):
>
> [Erg] [Rec]
>
> Kahulu tëkalëi Avina ja Pintutu ja.
>
> kahulu t-ëkalë-he avina ja pintutu ja
>
> beads T-give.O-He Avina Erg Pintutu Dat
>
> ‘Avina gave the beads to Pintutu.’
>
> Best,
> Spike
>
>
> *From: *Lingtyp <lingtyp-bounces at listserv.linguistlist.org> on behalf of
> David Gil via Lingtyp <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org>
> *Date: *Thursday, February 19, 2026 at 1:59 AM
> *To: *Pun Ho Lui <luiph001 at gmail.com>
> *Cc: *lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org
> >
> *Subject: *Re: [Lingtyp] Giver and recipient sharing the same marking,
> but the direct object is marked differently
>
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> Hi,
>
>
>
> In Riau Indonesian, *sama* may optionally occur on either the agent or
> the recipient, though not the theme, of (unmarked) 'give'. However, I've
> never observed it to occur on both agent and recipient in the same sentence.
>
>
>
> David
>
>
>
> Gil, David (2004) "Riau Indonesian *sama*, Explorations in
> Macrofunctionality", in M. Haspelmath ed., *Coordinating Constructions*,
> Typological Studies in Language 58, John Benjamins, Amsterdam, 371-424.
>
>
> On Thu, Feb 19, 2026 at 2:12 PM Pun Ho Lui via Lingtyp <
> lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org> wrote:
>
> Dear linguists,
>
> I am wondering if there is any case where in the ditransitive ‘give’
> construction, the agent (giver) and recipient are marked by the same item,
> but the theme (or direct object) is marked differently, e.g.:
>
> 1SG-NOM give 2SG-NOM pen
> ‘I gave you a pen.’
>
> This pattern does not fit well in the conceptual space for core arguments
> (Croft 2001), so I expect it is not very common across languages.
>
> Thank you.
>
> Warmest,
> Pun Ho Lui Joe
>
>
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>
>
> --
>
> David Gil
>
> Senior Scientist (Associate)
> Department of Linguistic and Cultural Evolution
> Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
> Deutscher Platz 6, Leipzig, 04103, Germany
>
> Email: dapiiiiit at gmail.com
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