8.1802, Books: Phonology

[The LINGUIST List]

LINGUIST List:  Vol-8-1802. Wed Dec 17 1997. ISSN: 1068-4875.

Subject: 8.1802, Books: Phonology

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1)
Date:  17 Dec 97 10:18:49 +0100
From:  Kristi Long <kristi_long at garland.com>
Subject:  New book: Phonology

-------------------------------- Message 1 -------------------------------

Date:  17 Dec 97 10:18:49 +0100
From:  Kristi Long <kristi_long at garland.com>
Subject:  New book: Phonology

James M. Scobbie; Autosegmental Representation in a Declarative
Constraint-Based Framework 0-8153-1949-0, cloth; 280 pages, $61;
Garland Publishing; Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics

The book examines the formal characterization of multiple association
from the perspective of a declarative constraint-based phonological
framework. Both the autosegmental and constraint-based aspects of the
book are highly relevant to recent developments in phonological
theory, predating the current interest in constraint interaction and
optimization. Inspired by the empirical and formal success of
Unification-Based grammars, all phonological rules and representations
are interpreted as hard constraints on well-formedness.

In general then, constraints are simply conjoined, and faithfulness to
the lexical entry is obligatory. Alternations arise from
underspecification . The multiple sequenced tiers of Autosegmental
Phonology are shown to be redundant, and linear order is limited to
the root tier. Association is then defined as the inverse of dominance
within the feature geometry, so multiple association is co-dominance
of a feature by two roots. The No Crossing Constraint is not
applicable since non-root features are not on sequenced tiers, and
the Sharing Constraint is introduced instead as the key means of
forcing locality on co-dominance: it bans co-dominance by non-
adjacent roots. Thus, because features and association lines are
indestructible, the key Autosegmental properties of Integrity and
Inalterability are predicted to occur.

Long distance dependencies are then considered. From the perspective
of structural integrity, discontinuous geminates in planar
morphologies are more like fake geminates than true geminates, which
is predicted by the Sharing Constraint. Only a tiny amount of nontonal
data can be presented in favor of non-local multiple association which
feeds phonological rules: Chaha displays non-local inalterability
and Javanese, the opposite (side-effects). Thus the balance of
evidence is against a single mechanism uniting local and non-local
multiple association.

E-mail: info at garland.com


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