14.234, Books: General Linguistics: Matushansky
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LINGUIST List: Vol-14-234. Thu Jan 23 2003. ISSN: 1068-4875.
Subject: 14.234, Books: General Linguistics: Matushansky
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Date: Wed, 22 Jan 2003 13:09:07 +0000
From: mitwpl at mit.edu
Subject: Movement of degree/degree of movement: Matushansky
-------------------------------- Message 1 -------------------------------
Date: Wed, 22 Jan 2003 13:09:07 +0000
From: mitwpl at mit.edu
Subject: Movement of degree/degree of movement: Matushansky
Title: Movement of degree/degree of movement
Subtitle: MIT dissertation
Series Title: MITWPL
Publication Year: 2002
Publisher: MIT Working Papers in Linguistics
http://web.mit.edu/mitwpl/
Book URL:
http://web.mit.edu/mitwpl/dissertations/matushansky.abstract.html
Author: Ora Matushansky, CNRS/Université Paris 8
Paperback: ISBN: none, Pages: , Price: 15
Abstract:
In this project we examine the DP-internal behavior of degree
operators contained in attributive extended APs, specifically degree
fronting (so sunny a day) and degree right extraposition (a day sunny
enough). We argue that both processes have to do with the scope of the
degree operator, namely, that degree fronting is a diagnostic of
clausal scope of the degree operator, while right extraposition is
overt QR to the DP-internal landing site where a quantifier can be
interpreted. We first show that pre-determiner APs in Germanic
languages (so sunny a day) are moved to [Spec, NumP] only if they
contain a degree operator, i.e. an element that cannot be interpreted
in situ. We will then show that the appearance of the adjectival
projection in that position is due to pied-piping, and that different
degree operators behave differently with respect to how much material
is moved overtly (pied-piping). We then turn to right
extraposition. We will show that it can be differentiated from other
cases traditionally denoted by the same term (e.g. a professor proud
of her children). On the other hand, it has certain properties
permitting to assimilate it to DP-extraposition to the right periphery
of the vP (Heavy NP Shift) -- it has new information status and
permits stranding of the argument of the degree operator (a more
interesting problem than this). These and similar factors suggest that
right extraposition of degree-containing extended APs is overt QR of
the degree operator accompanied by more or less pied-piping. The
overall picture seems to be that QR an overt movement processes
examined for clausal projections exist in nominal projections as well
and have similar properties.
Lingfield(s): General Linguistics
Syntax/semantics interface (General Linguistics)
Written In: English (Language Code: ENG)
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