16.499, Diss: Phonology/Lang Description: Miyashita: 'Tohono...'

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LINGUIST List: Vol-16-499. Fri Feb 18 2005. ISSN: 1068 - 4875.

Subject: 16.499, Diss: Phonology/Lang Description: Miyashita: 'Tohono...'

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1)
Date: 17-Feb-2005
From: Mizuki Miyashita < mizuki.miyashita at umontana.edu >
Subject: Tohono O'odham Syllable Weight: Descriptive, Theoretical and Applied Aspects

	
-------------------------Message 1 ----------------------------------
Date: Fri, 18 Feb 2005 13:13:55
From: Mizuki Miyashita < mizuki.miyashita at umontana.edu >
Subject: Tohono O'odham Syllable Weight: Descriptive, Theoretical and Applied Aspects



Institution: University of Arizona
Program: Department of Linguistics
Dissertation Status: Completed
Degree Date: 2002

Author: Mizuki Miyashita

Dissertation Title: Tohono O'odham Syllable Weight: Descriptive, Theoretical
and Applied Aspects

Linguistic Field(s): Applied Linguistics
                     Language Description
                     Phonology

Subject Language(s): O'odham (PAP)

Language Family(ies): Uto-Aztecan


Dissertation Director(s):
Michael Hammond
Jane Hill
Ofelia Zepeda

Dissertation Abstract:

This dissertation is a model of a unified study of three linguistic
aspects: description, theory and application. Tohono O'odham syllable
weight is investigated within these linguistic aspects.

I propose that O'odham diphthongs are categorized into two groups based on
their weight: light (monomoraic) diphthongs and heavy (bimoraic)
diphthongs. This is opposed to generally understood diphthong
classifications (i.e., falling vs. rising). My conclusion is supported by
empirical facts, including morpho-phonological and phonetic phenomena. The
generalization is theoretically accounted for within the framework of
Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Price 1993, Prince and Smolensky 1993).

Moraicity of the light/heavy diphthongs and short/long vowels are
analogous, and the larger classification of Tohono O'odham vowels is made:
Class L (monomoraic vowels) and Class H (bimoraic vowels). However, the
distribution of the vowels depends on syllable type: stressed, unstressed
and irregularly stressed. This dependency is accounted for by the
following: (i) Predictable moraic structure is not specified in input (this
is explained with a proposed constraint, MORAINDISPENSABLILITY or MI); (ii)
Moraic specification is in the input only where it must be lexically
specified (long vowels and irregularly stressed diphthongs); (iii) Light
diphthongs surface as monomoraic due to the loss of a mora. In order to
account for the relationship between the unstressed position and light
diphthongs, I propose a constraint, POSITIONALDIET, a relative of the
Stress-to-Weight Principle or SWP (Prince 1990).

Evidence for the diphthong classification comes from an acoustic study of a
native speaker and learners of Tohono O'odham. In addition to supporting
the classification, the differences between English and Tohono O'odham
speakers' treatment of diphthongs is explained with respect to the fact
that English diphthongs are always heavy. Finally, implications of this
study for Tohono O'odham language teaching are discussed.




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