16.2037, Books: Phonetics, Japanese: Sugahara

Thu Jun 30 18:37:58 UTC 2005

LINGUIST List: Vol-16-2037. Thu Jun 30 2005. ISSN: 1068 - 4875.

Subject: 16.2037, Books: Phonetics, Japanese: Sugahara

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1)
Date: 29-Jun-2005
From: Matthew Wolf < glsa at linguist.umass.edu >
Subject: Downtrends and Post-Focus Intonation in Tokyo Japanese: Sugahara 

-------------------------Message 1 ---------------------------------- 
Date: Thu, 30 Jun 2005 14:36:49
From: Matthew Wolf < glsa at linguist.umass.edu >
Subject: Downtrends and Post-Focus Intonation in Tokyo Japanese: Sugahara 

Title: Downtrends and Post-FOCUS Intonation in Tokyo Japanese 
Publication Year: 2005 
Publisher: Graduate Linguistic Students' Assoc., Umass
	   http://glsa.hypermart.net/

Book URL: http://www.booksurge.com/product.php3?bookID=GPUB01136-00012 

Author: Mariko Sugahara, Doshisha University

Paperback: ISBN: 1419610449 Pages: 364 Price: U.S. $ 20.99

Abstract:

This dissertation is concerned with F0 downtrends in Tokyo Japanese:
time-dependent declination, post-accent downtrend, i.e. catathesis, and
post-FOCUS compression of F0 movement. I investigate in Part I (Chapters 3
and 4) how "local" or "global" those downtrends are. In that part of the
thesis, I focus on the time-dependent declination (Chapter 3) and
catathesis (Chapter 4). Though they have been considered to be global
phenomena, I show more local aspects of those downtrends. The
time-dependent declination is usually formalized as a gradually declining
slope of the base line unfolding over the whole utterance or across
phrases. In Chapter 3, however, I argue for an additional "tone-bound"
declination slope which unfolds only between two neighboring tones. This
accounts for my observation that F0 of the second tone (T2) gets
substantially lower as the duration between two neighboring tones (T1 and
T2) increases, while tones that follow T2 are barely affected by the
duration change.

The post-accent downtrend, i.e. catathesis, has been formalized as tonal
space lowering. In Chapter 4, however, I propose a local "tone-by-tone"
scaling model to account for catathesis. The local tone-by-tone scaling
model correctly predicts that the "magnitude" of catathesis of a
post-accent tone Ti diminishes as more tones intervene between Ti and the
preceding pitch accent. In contrast, the global pitch range lowering model
incorrectly predicts that all post-accent tones equally undergo catathesis
regardless of the number of tones intervening between them and the
preceding pitch accent.

Another important question, examined in Part II (Chapters 6, 7 and 8), is
the "structural" vs. "non-structural" character of the post-FOCUS F0
compression. According to the structural view of the post-FOCUS
compression, the phenomenon is a result of the absence of phonological
phrase boundaries (i.e. dephrasing) after FOCUS. The non-structural view is
that the phenomenon is a result of FOCUS affecting the phonetic
interpretation of tones without manipulating the hierarchical organization
of phonological phrase structure. I conclude that those views are both
correct. Some aspects of the post-FOCUS F0 reduction are only accounted for
by dephrasing while there is also a non-structural effect unexplained by
dephrasing only. 

Linguistic Field(s): Phonetics

Subject Language(s): Japanese (JPN)

Written In: English  (ENG)

See this book announcement on our website: 
http://linguistlist.org/get-book.html?BookID=15474

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