16.3252, Books: Linguistic Theories/Syntax: Boskovic

Thu Nov 10 19:49:27 UTC 2005

LINGUIST List: Vol-16-3252. Thu Nov 10 2005. ISSN: 1068 - 4875.

Subject: 16.3252, Books: Linguistic Theories/Syntax: Boskovic

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1)
Date: 10-Nov-2005
From: Miguel Rodríguez-Mondoñedo < Miguel.Rodriguez-Mondonedo at huskymail.uconn.edu >
Subject: On the Locality of Move and Agree: Boskovic 

-------------------------Message 1 ---------------------------------- 
Date: Thu, 10 Nov 2005 14:45:05
From: Miguel Rodríguez-Mondoñedo < Miguel.Rodriguez-Mondonedo at huskymail.uconn.edu >
Subject: On the Locality of Move and Agree: Boskovic 

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Title: On the Locality of Move and Agree 
Subtitle: Eliminating the Activation Condition, Generalized EPP, Inverse Case
Filter, and Phase-Impenetrability Condition

Series Title: UCONN Occasional Papers in Linguistics  

Publication Year: 2005 
Publisher: University of Connecticut Linguistics Club
	   http://web.uconn.edu/linguistics/uconnwpl/

Book URL: http://web.uconn.edu/linguistics/uconnwpl/occ3.html 

Author: ?eljko Bo?kovi?, University of Connecticut
Editor: Simona Herdan, University of Connecticut
Editor: Miguel M. Rodríguez-Mondoñedo, University of Connecticut

Paperback: ISBN: n/a Pages:  Price: U.S. $ 13.00

Abstract:

The paper proposes a new theory of successive cyclic movement which
reconciles the early and the current minimalist approach to successive
cyclicity. As in the early approach, there is no feature checking in
intermediate positions of successive cyclic movement. However, as in the
current approach and in contrast to early minimalism, successive cyclic
movement starts before the final target of movement enters the structure,
and the Form Chain operation is eliminated. The paper also argues that the
locality of Move and Agree is radically different, Agree being free from
several mechanisms that constrain Move, in particular, phases and the
Activation Condition. However, it is shown that there is no need to take
phases to define locality domains of syntax or posit the Activation
Condition as an independent principle of the grammar. The two still hold
empirically for Move as theorems. The Generalized EPP (the I-need-a-Spec
property of attracting heads) and the Inverse Case Filter are also shown to
be dispensable. A system is developed in which movement is always driven by
a formal inadequacy of the moving element, whereas Agree is driven by a
formal inadequacy of the target.

Order directly to MIT Working Papers in Linguistics
http://web.mit.edu/mitwpl/ordering.html 

Linguistic Field(s): Linguistic Theories
                     Syntax

Written In: English  (eng)

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