17.743, Review: Phonology: Blevins (2004)

[linguist at LINGUISTLIST.ORG]

LINGUIST List: Vol-17-743. Fri Mar 10 2006. ISSN: 1068 - 4875.

Subject: 17.743, Review: Phonology: Blevins (2004)

Moderators: Anthony Aristar, Wayne State U <aristar at linguistlist.org>
            Helen Aristar-Dry, Eastern Michigan U <hdry at linguistlist.org>
 
Reviews (reviews at linguistlist.org) 
        Sheila Dooley, U of Arizona  
        Terry Langendoen, U of Arizona  

Homepage: http://linguistlist.org/

The LINGUIST List is funded by Eastern Michigan University, Wayne
State University, and donations from subscribers and publishers.

Editor for this issue: Lindsay Butler <lindsay at linguistlist.org>
================================================================  

What follows is a review or discussion note contributed to our 
Book Discussion Forum. We expect discussions to be informal and 
interactive; and the author of the book discussed is cordially 
invited to join in. If you are interested in leading a book 
discussion, look for books announced on LINGUIST as "available 
for review." Then contact Sheila Dooley at dooley at linguistlist.org. 

===========================Directory==============================  

1)
Date: 07-Mar-2006
From: Jason Brown < jcb at interchange.ubc.ca >
Subject: Evolutionary Phonology: The Emergence of Sound Patterns 

	
-------------------------Message 1 ---------------------------------- 
Date: Fri, 10 Mar 2006 15:31:20
From: Jason Brown < jcb at interchange.ubc.ca >
Subject: Evolutionary Phonology: The Emergence of Sound Patterns 
 

AUTHOR: Blevins, Juliette 
TITLE: Evolutionary Phonology
SUBTITLE: The Emergence of Sound Patterns
PUBLISHER: Cambridge University Press
YEAR: 2004
Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/16/16-1434.html 
 
Jason Brown, Department of Linguistics, University of British Columbia

This book is a study of the diachronic and synchronic patterns in 
phonology.  The book consists of 11 chapters.

SUMMARY

This book is composed of 3 parts: Preliminaries, Sound Patterns, and 
Implications.  The chapters in Part I: Preliminaries, lay out the general 
assumptions and outline the theoretical claims of the book.  The 
chapters in Part II: Sound Patterns, address the issues of common and 
uncommon sound patterns, and how to account for them.  The 
chapters in Part III: Implications, address the issues of Evolutionary 
Phonology, and what the implications are for synchronic and 
diachronic phonology, as well as other domains of linguistics.

Part I: Preliminaries
Chapter 1 What is Evolutionary Phonology?:  In this chapter, the goals 
of the book and the notion of Evolutionary Phonology (EP) are 
outlined.  The importance of diachronic studies compared to 
synchronic studies (which are emphasized more in present works) is 
stressed, as is the relationship between sound changes and 
synchronic processes.  The different types of explanation in linguistics 
are discussed, along with the idea that a simpler grammar is one that 
accounts for more things with less duplication.  The working 
hypothesis of the book is also laid out, namely that ''recurrent 
synchronic sound patterns have their origins in recurrent phonetically 
motivated sound change'' (pg. 8).  The chapter then outlines the 
various possible approaches to explanation: synchronic vs. 
diachronic, and goal-oriented vs. not goal-oriented.  EP is diachronic, 
and not goal-oriented.

Next, the evolutionary metaphor used in the book is explained.  While 
central to EP is the concept that language change is a form of 
knowledge transmission across generations without biological change, 
and the concept of ''parallel evolution'' is also important, the author 
warns that EP is not a theory based on natural selection.  Finally, the 
chapter ends on a discussion of markedness and the role of learning 
(in EP, everything is learned, including phonemic contrasts, phonetic 
detail, phonotactics, etc.).

Chapter 2 Evolution in Language and Elsewhere:  The subject of 
chapter 2 mostly involves evolutionary metaphors from the biological 
sciences.  The chapter discusses how ''language evolution'' is to be 
defined in this study, where it is only used to describe conditions 
within a 5/000-7,000 year time depth.  

Variation is discussed, as well as the metaphor of natural selection 
and the sources of natural sound change.  While biological evolution 
is generally conceptualized as things being passed down through 
DNA, it raises the question of how languages evolve.  In this case, it is 
through individual to individual transmission (which can be noisy).  
One claim of this chapter is that most all sound patterns are 
phonetically motivated.  This is where the CCC-model of sound 
change is introduced.  The CCC-model consists of the three 
components Change, Chance, and Choice.  The main goal is to 
account for patterns that repeat and that lots of languages have.  The 
chapter also discusses the various reasons for similarities: direct 
genetic inheritance, characteristics that aren't actually as similar as 
they look, parallel evolution, and physical constraints.

Chapter 3 Explanation in Phonology: A Brief History of Ideas:  This 
chapter provides a brief history of 3 types of explanation in phonology: 
historical, teleological, and phonetic.  Historical explanations aim to 
account for synchronic patterns in phonology by observing their 
diachronic origins and pathways.  Teleological explanations view 
sound patterns as moving toward optimal targets, while phonetic 
explanations look to phonetic detail as underlying phonological 
structure.

This chapter shows how EP builds on the various existing 
explanations, including the neogrammarian school, the Kazan school, 
generative phonology and work in modern phonetics.  While not 
merely a re-synthesis of these earlier traditions, the differences 
between these types of explanation and EP are also stressed in this 
chapter.

EP proposes historical, non-teleological, phonetic explanations for 
synchronic sound patterns.  It integrates the neogrammarian view with 
the H & H (hypo- and hyper-articulation) model (Lindblom 1990) and 
Ohala's (1981) model of sound change (i.e. no goal-directed sound 
change).  It also eliminates notions of markedness in synchronic 
phonological descriptions.  Finally, it finds no formal distinction 
between natural and unnatural patterns in synchronic grammar.  
These qualities are contrasted with other approaches to phonology, 
such as natural phonology, underspecification theories, grounded 
phonology, teleologically-based theories, Optimality Theory, etc.

Part II: Sound Patterns
Chapter 4 Laryngeal Features:  The focus of this chapter is on sound 
patterns involving laryngeal features.  The distinctive features involved 
include [voice], [spread glottis] and [constricted glottis] and their 
phonetic variation.  The specific problem to be addressed is 
that ''segments with identical phonological feature representations 
may have dramatically different patterns of distribution'' (91), such as, 
for instance, pre- and post-vocalic aspiration.  The chapter presents 
two alternative solutions to this problem.  The first is to abandon 
phonological features by importing phonetics (Steriade 1993, 1997, 
Kirchner 2000, Flemming 2001).  The second is the view of EP, and is 
to maintain the pure phonological approach, free of phonetic detail.  
Under the EP approach, phonology appears to be sensitive to 
phonetic detail because a phonological system is the transparent 
result of phonetically motivated sound change. Sound patterns that 
occur frequently (above chance) are due to parallel evolution; this 
explains their patterns of distribution.

The author notes that ''phonological features show distinct patterns of 
distribution which appear to be dependent, at least in part, on their 
phonetic realization'' (95).  Laryngeal features are more perceptually 
salient in some contexts more than others.  The overarching 
generalization is that ''positions of contrast for a particular feature are 
those in which neutralizing sound change is unattested, while 
positions of neutralization are precisely those where phonetically 
motivated sound change is common'' (97).  Common sound changes, 
like neutralization, tend to occur in less salient positions.  These types 
of changes make up the common distributional patterns of laryngeals 
(i.e. neutralization).  Just as common patterns can be attributed to 
sound change, so can uncommon distributions.  

Chapter 5 Place Features:  The focus of Chapter 5 is on sound 
patterns involving place features.  The first area of discussion is on 
the recurrent patterns that are found in the distributions of place 
features. The chapter deals with release features (such as the major 
place features [labial], [coronal], [dorsal]) and closure features (such 
as retroflexion).  For instance, word final neutralization of major place 
features is common; however, word-initial neutralization of place is 
unattested (while the behavior of closure features such as retroflexion 
is the opposite, however).  Some of the topics discussed are the 
patterns of place distribution, the status of coronal as just another 
place feature and not as the ''unmarked'' place, and neutralization 
(both in final position, and in consonant cluster simplification).

Chapter 6 Other Common Sound Patterns:  Carrying on from where 
chapters 4 and 5 left off, chapter 6 is an overview of other common 
sound patterns.  In each case, a sound pattern is identified, then 
examples are shown how the pattern can also be an example of a 
sound change in some language.  A phonetic explanation is then 
provided for the sound change.  Situations where both articulation or 
perception as the source for sound change are discussed, and in 
particular, sound patterns and changes that are not necessarily easily 
describable in articulatory terms are discussed, as well as all of the 
changes associated with each type.  There is also a discussion of 
structural analogy, and the conclusion is reached that it is not a 
property of grammar, but a property of cognitive processes that give 
rise to grammars.  The chapter concludes with some unexplained 
changes, such as the loss of utterance-initial consonants in Australian 
languages, the phenomenon of y-accretion, and low vowel 
dissimilation.

Chapter 7 The Evolution of Geminates:  This chapter addresses the 
issue of how and why geminates evolve in phonological systems.  The 
author identifies at least 7 pathways that result in a length contrast.  
These include assimilation in CC clusters, assimilation in VC or GC 
sequences, vowel syncope between identical consonants, lengthening 
under stress, boundary lengthening, the reinterpretation of an 
obstruent voicing contrast, and the reanalysis of identical C+C 
sequences.  Also discussed are the issues of geminate inalterability 
and integrity, the moraic or non-moraic status of geminates and 
antigemination.

Chapter 8 Some Uncommon Sound Patterns:  While the content of 
Chapter 6 was on common sound patterns, the focus of Chapter 8 is 
on uncommon patterns.  Uncommon patterns are defined as those 
limited to few languages, families, or geographic regions (and they are 
typically patterns that push the articulatory or perceptual envelope).  
In particular, uncommon segment types (clicks and pharyngeals) and 
uncommon contrasts (voicing distinction on vowels, 3-way vowel and 
consonantal length contrasts, and 3-way nasality contrasts) are 
discussed, as well as uncommon syllable types and harmony/blocking 
patterns.  This chapter shows how these uncommon sounds and 
sound patterns are typically the result of regular types of sound 
change, paradigmatic pressures, or random events in cultural 
evolution and world history.  

Part III: Implications
Chapter 9 Synchronic Phonology:  This chapter discusses the 
implications of EP for the study of synchronic systems.  As has been 
stressed in earlier chapters, much of the explanation is placed in 
diachronic terms.  The first section deals with phonological acquisition 
and argues that much phonological knowledge is learned.  The 
second deals with the relationship between sound patterns and 
phonetic content.  In particular, it deals with some traditional ideas of 
generative phonology such as markedness constraints, structure 
preservation, and the elsewhere condition.  After this, the chapter sets 
up what ''pure phonology'' is under EP (i.e. ''what systematic aspects 
of synchronic phonology are left to be studied'' (251), since most of 
explanation now lies in diachrony).  The conclusion is reached that 
very little universal phonology remains.  EP is then contrasted with 
other phonological models.

Chapter 10 Diachronic Phonology:  This chapter discusses the role of 
EP and diachronic phonology.  The CCC model is shown to be 
compatible with traditional views of sound change.  Not only are the 
mechanisms of sound change regular (like neogrammarians), 
but ''their formulation as part of a general learning algorithm results in 
typical regularity at the level of the individual'' (259).  The chapter 
considers typical ''markedness'' explanations, but points out that they 
rule out patterns that are attested, and also do a poor job of 
explaining why certain patterns are more marked than others.

Further claims of this chapter are that change is NOT teleological, and 
is NOT driven by markedness.  Related to this is the notion of 
symmetry in phonological inventories.  The claim of the chapter is that 
phonetically motivated sound change is blind to symmetry: symmetrical 
explanation is a post-hoc motivation for a symmetry-creating change.  
Changes appear to be functionally or structurally driven, but rather 
they are simply accidental or emergent phenomena.

Chapter 11 Beyond Phonology:  This chapter expands the theory of 
evolutionary phonology and provides historical explanations for the 
distributional patterns of other linguistically significant units.  These 
include sign language phonology, morphology, and syntax.  

With regard to the differences in modality between sign and spoken 
language, the evolutionary approach has no problem in viewing the 
spoken features as being replaced by visual features.  It is claimed 
that in other theories, such as Optimality Theory, there is a problem of 
innateness in that visual AND spoken markedness constraints are 
required.

In considering the prospects for an evolutionary view of morphology, 
phenomena such as morpheme order and scope, and paradigm 
leveling and markedness are discussed.  In terms of a possible 
evolutionary syntax, the chapter focuses on cross-categorial harmony 
(specifically the relations between word order and pre- and 
postpositions) and the combinations of syntactic features that are 
more rare (such as the rarity of tense on nominals).

The evolutionary approach is then summarized, and the important 
observation is made that: ''One general implication of the evolutionary 
approach is that most of the content of traditional descriptive grammar 
constitutes learned aspects of human behavior.'' (312)

CRITICAL EVALUATION

The book is extremely interesting and well written.  It should be 
interesting for scholars working in anthropology, evolutionary biology 
and linguistics, and it is written in a style that is accessible to a wide 
audience.  A very positive aspect of the book is that it is written with 
lots of argumentation based lots of empirical data and on several 
typological patterns, all of which make the theoretical claims 
understandable and believable.  Another positive aspect is that the 
book recasts some current debates in phonological theory into 
diachronic terms.  One example is the syllable-based vs. linear 
licensing debate (cf. for example Steriade 1997, Howe & Pulleyblank 
2001, etc.).  The author carefully analyzes the relevant data, then 
makes new and interesting proposals based on diachronic dynamics.  

One of the most interesting, and no doubt controversial, aspects of 
the book is the discussion of markedness.  In several sections the 
author launches criticisms around the role of markedness in grammar.  
The author argues, for instance, that coronal is not the unmarked 
place.  This is in line with current criticisms of ''coronal unmarkedness'' 
(such as Hume & Tserdanelis 2002); however, the idea expressed 
here is that there is no encoding of segmental markedness in 
grammar at all.  The author states that ''markedness and naturalness 
are emergent properties of grammar, and are highly context-
dependent'' (129), a sentiment that is quickly gaining support in the 
field (for instance, the notion of the emergence of phonological 
features is discussed at great length in Mielke's [2004] recent Ph.D. 
dissertation).  It is just this type of re-evaluation of the fundamental 
ways that traditional phonology operates that makes this book such an 
incredible piece of work.

Even if it is at times only metaphorical, the discussion of non-linguistic 
evolution will prove extremely informative to those not familiar with 
many concepts.  For instance, the discussion of adaptation using the 
toepads of lizards as an illustration is helpful.  The discussion of non-
aptations & disaptations (the latter illustrated by the case of a three-
way nasalization contrast in Palantla Chinantec) is also useful.  
Finally, the meat of the book, the notion of natural selection in the 
world of sounds, highlighted by the claim that ''adaptation occurs with 
respect to a specific phonetic context'' (54) is highly intuitive and is 
likely to carry great influence in the research area of language 
evolution.

Overall, Evolutionary Phonology is exceptionally written, well argued, 
and should absolutely be on the bookshelf of any serious phonologist.

REFERENCES

Flemming, Edward. 2001. Scalar and categorical phenomena in a 
unified model of phonetics and phonology. Phonology 18:7-44.

Howe, Darin & Douglas Pulleyblank. 2001. Patterns and timing of 
glottalisation. Phonology 18:45-80.

Hume, Elizabeth & Georgios Tserdanelis. 2002. Labial unmarkedness 
in Sri Lankan Portuguese Creole. Phonology 19:441-458.

Kirchner, Robert. 2000. Geminate alterability and lenition. Language 
76:509-45.

Lindblom, Björn. 1990. Explaining phonetic variation: a sketch of the 
H&H theory. In William Hardcastle & Alain Marchal (eds.), Speech 
production and speech modeling. Dordrecht: Kluwer. pp. 403-439.

Mielke, Jeff. 2004. The emergence of distinctive features. Ph.D. 
dissertation, Ohio State University.

Ohala, John J. 1981. The listener as a source of sound change. In 
Carrie S. Masek, Robert A. Hendrick and Mary Frances Miller (eds.), 
Papers from the parasession on language and behavior. Chicago: 
Chicago Linguistic Society. pp. 178-203.

Steriade, Donca. 1997. Phonetics in phonology: The case of laryngeal 
neutralization. Ms, UCLA.

Steriade, Donca. 1993. Closure, release, and nasal contours. In M. 
Huffman and R.A. Krakow (eds.) Nasals, nasalization and the velum. 
Phonetics and phonology 5. San Diego: Academic Press.  pp. 401-470. 

ABOUT THE REVIEWER

Jason Brown is currently a Ph.D. student at the University of British 
Columbia.  His research focus is on phonological theory, with special 
interests in the phonetics-phonology interface, phonological 
representations, and feature theory.





-----------------------------------------------------------
LINGUIST List: Vol-17-743