20.2797, Calls: Syntax/Germany
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LINGUIST List: Vol-20-2797. Mon Aug 17 2009. ISSN: 1068 - 4875.
Subject: 20.2797, Calls: Syntax/Germany
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1)
Date: 17-Aug-2009
From: Joost Kremers < linearization2010 at fastmail.fm >
Subject: Linearization Workshop (DGfS 2010)
-------------------------Message 1 ----------------------------------
Date: Mon, 17 Aug 2009 11:03:01
From: Joost Kremers [linearization2010 at fastmail.fm]
Subject: Linearization Workshop (DGfS 2010)
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Full Title: Linearization Workshop (DGfS 2010)
Short Title: Lin2010
Date: 23-Feb-2010 - 26-Feb-2010
Location: Berlin, Germany
Contact Person: Joost Kremers
Meeting Email: j.kremers at em.uni-frankfurt.de
Web Site: http://user.uni-frankfurt.de/~kremers/DGfS2010-Linearization.html
Linguistic Field(s): Syntax
Call Deadline: 01-Sep-2009
Meeting Description:
This workshop deals with the question of linearization, the issue of relating a hierarchical syntactic structure with a (predominantly) linear phonological structure.
This workshop is held as part of the annual conference of the German Society for Linguistics (DGfS), to be held at the Humboldt-University in Berlin, 23-26 February 2010. Participation is open to all; the workshop language will be English.
Workshop Organizers:
Marc Richards (University of Leipzig)
Joost Kremers (University of Frankfurt)
Invited Speaker:
Jan-Wouter Zwart (University of Groningen, The Netherlands)
Call for Papers:
In current minimalist thinking, syntactic representations are strictly hierarchical and do not contain any information on the linear order of terminal elements. Such an assumption obviously raises a number of questions, which this workshop aims to address. Firstly, questions arise over the motivation of this hypothesis, such as the following:
- What empirical evidence do we have in support of the hypothesis? Are there facts that can be accounted for more easily in a syntax=hierarchy model?
- How do we reconcile the hypothesis with the strict ordering requirements that some languages appear to have (e.g. SVO in English)?
- Is there evidence against the hypothesis? For example, it has been argued that there are precedence restrictions on binding, that linear order determines first-reading quantifier scope, or that coordination operates on linear strings.
Tied to these are questions concerning the derivation of linear order:
- How can linear order be derived from a hierarchical structure?
- Does the LCA provide us with a helpful insight into linearization, or do we need linearization parameters? Or is a combination of both preferable?
- Where exactly in the grammar does linearization take place? Is it the first step from syntax to PF, or does it take place in the phonology proper?
- How do we deal with cases where linear order seems to be absent, e.g. in cases of simultaneous realization in sign languages? Can we accommodate such facts in other ways (e.g. through morphology) or do they compel us to adopt a substantially different view of linearization?
We invite submissions for 30 (25+5) or 60 (50+10) minute talks dealing with these and related questions from a formal perspective. (Not restricted to minimalism, other frameworks are equally welcome.) One page abstracts (A4 or Letter, 12pt Times) with possibly an additional page for examples, figures and references should be submitted before 15 August 2009, through Linguist List's EasyAbs facility at:
http://linguistlist.org/confcustom/DGfS-Lin2010
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