23.4100, Diss: Linguistic Theories: Kyriakaki: 'DETs in the Functional Syntax of Greek Nominals'

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LINGUIST List: Vol-23-4100. Wed Oct 03 2012. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 23.4100, Diss: Linguistic Theories: Kyriakaki: 'DETs in the Functional Syntax of Greek Nominals'

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Date: Wed, 03 Oct 2012 10:42:29
From: Maria Kyriakaki [maria.kyriakaki at gmail.com]
Subject: DETs in the Functional Syntax of Greek Nominals

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Institution: University of Toronto 
Program: Department of Linguistics 
Dissertation Status: Completed 
Degree Date: 2011 

Author: Maria Kyriakaki

Dissertation Title: DETs in the Functional Syntax of Greek Nominals 

Linguistic Field(s): Linguistic Theories


Dissertation Director(s):
Prof. Elizabeth Cowper
Prof. Alana Johns
Prof. Diane Massam

Dissertation Abstract:

In this dissertation, I explore the formal mechanisms underlying 
restrictive modification by nominals (RMN). The central claim is that 
RMN is dependent on how definiteness is encoded in a given 
language.

In Greek, RMN is exemplified by extra definite determiners followed by 
bare adjectives, as shown in (1) below. These may precede or follow 
the matrix nominal:

(1)To   ksilino to  kuti to  skalisto
   The  wooden  the box  the carved
   'The carved wooden box'/ 'The carved box the wooden one'

Syntactically, I argue that the determiner and the adjective may form 
either a restrictive or non-restrictive nominal depending on their 
structural position. Focusing on restrictive nominals, I argue that they 
are adjuncts to nP, which raise to FocP when focused. These adjuncts 
are small nominals, consisting of acategorial roots and n. A look at the 
structure of the matrix noun reveals that adjectives adjoin to NumP, as 
they are always prenominal. A look at genitives also suggests that 
Greek nouns move as high as NumP.

Central to this thesis is the question of what licenses RMN. Previous 
analyses have correlated it with rich morphology (Lekakou and 
Szendrői, 2007, 2008, 2010). For them, the determiner is the spell-out 
of inflection, but is otherwise a semantic expletive. 

I argue that RMN is best viewed as being dependent on how 
definiteness is encoded and that the definite determiner is simply 
underspecified for definiteness. Assuming that definiteness consists of 
two components, familiarity and uniqueness, and based on data from 
Standard English and Scottish English, I propose that definite 
determiners spelling out one component, familiarity, are predicted to 
exhibit RMN. Familiarity and uniqueness can thus be mapped into two 
syntactic projections, FamP and ιP, respectively. I then propose a 
syntactico-semantic mechanism that derives these constructions.

Hence, this research offers a modern cross-linguistic account of RMN, 
while it also provides us with new insights about how definiteness can 
be encoded cross-linguistically. 






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