24.3186, Diss: Welsh, Syntax: Hirata: 'Preposition Stranding in Welsh'
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LINGUIST List: Vol-24-3186. Wed Aug 07 2013. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.
Subject: 24.3186, Diss: Welsh, Syntax: Hirata: 'Preposition Stranding in Welsh'
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Date: Wed, 07 Aug 2013 10:31:49
From: Ryuichiro Hirata [ryuichirohirata at gmail.com]
Subject: Preposition Stranding in Welsh
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Institution: Bangor University
Program: PhD in Linguistics
Dissertation Status: Completed
Degree Date: 2012
Author: Ryuichiro Hirata
Dissertation Title: Preposition Stranding in Welsh
Dissertation URL: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/001868
Linguistic Field(s): Syntax
Subject Language(s): Welsh (cym)
Dissertation Director(s):
Maria del Carmen Parafita Couto
Dirk Bury
Pam McDonald
Dissertation Abstract:
This dissertation investigates preposition stranding observed in Colloquial
Welsh using a generative grammar approach.
Welsh traditionally disallows P-stranding. In Literary Welsh, prepositional
relatives require a resumptive pronoun which is licensed by the rich
agreement of P, and wh-questions require pied-piping of the entire PP.
However, the use of uninflected stranded preposition can be found
colloquially, both in relatives and wh-questions.
This dissertation proposes an account of the different syntactic behaviour
between the two varieties, based on the notion of PF feature checking
proposed by Ackema and Neeleman (2004). I claim that if PF checking takes
place between a P head and its DP complement, the DP will be unable to move
out of the complement position. This means that P-stranding is impossible.
On the other hand, if PF checking does not hold between P and its
complement, P-stranding is possible.
Chapter 1 provides theoretical assumptions and background of previous
research on P-stranding.
Chapter 2 describes wh-constructions in Welsh and investigates the
(un)availability of P-stranding in the literary and colloquial varieties.
Chapter 3 considers formal properties of Welsh resumptives. Following
Willis (2011), I assume that Welsh wh-dependencies with resumptive pronouns
obey successive cyclicity.
Chapter 4 presents the PF feature checking approach to P-stranding. I
assume that the crucial difference between the two varieties is that P in
Literary Welsh possesses AGR-features, but in Colloquial Welsh does not. I
claim that the availability of PF checking regulates the availability of
P-stranding.
Chapter 5 investigates P-stranding generalizations, observed in Abels
(2003), on pseudo-passives, clitics, verbal particles and sluicing.
Chapter 6 discusses diachronic implications of the occurrence of
P-stranding. I consider how the P-stranding option came into Welsh grammar,
using the notion of bilingual mode developed by Grosjean (2001).
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