24.2496, Review: Phonology; Sociolinguistics; French: Gess (2012)

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LINGUIST List: Vol-24-2496. Wed Jun 19 2013. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 24.2496, Review: Phonology; Sociolinguistics; French: Gess (2012)

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Date: Wed, 19 Jun 2013 15:43:44
From: Lionel Mathieu [liomat at email.arizona.edu]
Subject: Phonological Variation in French

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EDITOR: Randall  Gess
EDITOR: Chantal  Lyche
EDITOR: Trudel  Meisenburg
TITLE: Phonological Variation in French
SUBTITLE: Illustrations from three continents
SERIES TITLE: Studies in Language Variation 11
PUBLISHER: John Benjamins
YEAR: 2012

REVIEWER: Lionel Mathieu, University of Arizona

SUMMARY

'Phonological Variation in French' is ''the first book-length,
English-language presentation of results stemming from the international
‘Phonology of Contemporary French’ project (Phonologie du Français
Contemporain, henceforth PFC)'' (1). Started in 2000, it has the objective of
''build[ing] a reference corpus for French spoken throughout the world'' (10).
Rich in spoken language data elicited through the use of a wordlist, a
fabricated newspaper-like short text, and formal and informal conversations,
the PFC project aims to provide a synchronic snapshot of the phonology of
French through original studies spanning three continents: Africa (Part I),
Europe (Part II) and North America (Part III). Highlights of each section are
presented below.

First, the introductory chapter (Randall Gess, Chantal Lyche and Trudel
Meisenburg) remarkably sketches out key phonological characteristics of French
(e.g. phonemic inventories, schwa, liaison, prosody) that serve as the
organizational pattern for all subsequent chapters/studies. The authors also
draw readers' attention to the fact that the study of language variation
implies the recognition of a reference point, in this case, a ''français de
référence'' (Morin, 2000; FR) from which variation can be observed. Like most
researchers of French, the authors adopt the general view that this FR is
largely based on the speech variety of middle-to-upper class Parisians, which
is often used as the model of standard pronunciation in second language (L2)
pedagogical materials.

Part I surveys African varieties of French. Chapter 2 presents ''A
phonological study of French spoken by multilingual speakers from Bangui, the
capital of the Central African Republic'' (Guri Bordal). In Bangui, Central
African French (CAF) coexists with Sango; the latter serves as a lingua franca
between speakers of various first languages (L1), whereas CAF is commonly
acquired as an L2. This study therefore describes a situation where the
phonological system of French is moderately colored by the phonological system
of an African language, as can be seen in the harmonization of mid vowels, the
fluctuating realization of the rhotic as an alveolar trill, the palatalization
of /t, d/ before high vowels, and the pervasive reduction of complex syllables
via consonant deletion and vowel epenthesis. With regards to schwa, given its
systematic realization in word-initial syllables and monosyllabic words, the
author questions its underlying existence in these contexts, but accepts its
presence in word-internal syllables, where it frequently alternates with zero.
The realization of liaison consonants is, however, more regular and, compared
to FR, very few instances of variable liaisons are observed.

In Chapter 3 (''French in Senegal after three centuries: A phonological study
of Wolof speakers' French'', Béatrice Akissi Boutin, Randall Gess and Gabriel
Marie Guèye), the French of Senegalese Wolophone speakers is examined. Here,
French enjoys a historically rooted presence, but has been relegated to
written communication over the years, while Wolof has become the main
vehicular language. Surprisingly, the vowel system of French-speaking
Wolophones (FW) closely resembles that of FR. Nevertheless, the realization of
the vowels [e-ɛ] is conditioned by Wolof's advanced tongue root harmony
instead of following the 'Loi de Position' (i.e. open vowels in closed
syllables, and vice-versa; henceforth LdP) regularly respected in FR. The
realization of [ø-œ], on the other hand, is seldom contrasted, and the vowels
[o-ɔ] are subject to orthographic and/or harmonic influences. Regarding
consonants, the authors note the presence of /c, ɟ, ʔ/ (absent in FR), as well
as the lack of stop release in word-final positions. With respect to
phonotactics, FW are relatively unaffected by Wolof's strict CVC structure,
even though some simplifications can be observed (by way of vowel epenthesis,
consonant deletion and assimilation). The behavior of schwa is dependent upon
lexical and positional specifications, but in many instances, it does not
correspond with an underlyingly variable vowel, as is the case in FR. Liaison,
however, does not differ much from FR, other than for the realization of
word-initial /ʔ/, a reflex of an obligatory onset requirement from Wolof,
consequently blocking liaison. Finally, in terms of accentuation, Wolof
influences are readily noticeable in the instantiation of stress at the
lexical level (while at the phrasal level in FR) by means of a peak in
intensity (rather than vocalic duration, as in FR).

Chapter 4 (''The phonological characteristics of French in Bamako, Mali: A
sociolinguistic study'', Chantal Lyche and Ingse Skattum) presents another
case of L2 French spoken in a highly multilingual context. In this study, the
French phonological system of 13 speakers of five different L1s is surveyed.
Despite the complexity of treatment, a number of general characteristics
emerge: a) the problematic realization of contrastive [ø-œ]; b) the variable
realization of the rhotic as an apical trill or tap, and its intermittent
omission in codas depending on the speaker's L1; c) the restricted realization
of schwa in word-final and internal positions; and, d) the scarcity of
variable liaison environments. Altogether, these features are emblematic of
numerous African varieties of French.

Part II considers European varieties of French. Chapter 5 offers ''An overview
of the phonological and phonetic properties of Southern French: Data from two
Marseille surveys'' (Annelise Coquillon and Gabor Turcsan, ['français de
Marseille': FM]). In terms of its consonantal inventory, the authors note the
progressive disappearance of /ɲ/ for the sequence /nj/, the periodic
simplification of consonant clusters in frequent expressions, and the presence
of assimilation processes for certain coronals. Differences from FR figure
most prominently in FM's vowel inventory and distribution. FM does not
phonemically contrast the mid vowel series, but does allophonically realize
them, mostly following LdP. While disappearing in many varieties of French,
the nasal duo /œ̃-ɛ̃/ is still well maintained in FM, albeit at low levels of
lexical manifestation. Also illustrious of FM is the accompanying realization
of a homorganic nasal consonant following a vocalic nucleus (which may itself
be partially nasalized; Durand 1988, 2009), although great variability in
production was attested. Concerning the behavior of schwa, the following
deletion hierarchy (Coquillon & Durand, 2010) is confirmed: final > internal >
initial schwas; though word-final orthographic <e> strongly licenses schwa
realization, as well as monosyllabic words. Regarding the production of
liaison, factors such as register, age and word-length have been found to have
an effect. Finally, FM's prosody is characterized by a broader pitch span for
older speakers, while younger speakers tend to neutralize this feature,
therefore approximating FR norms.

In Chapter 6 (''The variation of pronunciation in Belgian French: From
segmental phonology to prosody'', Philippe Hambye and Anne Catherine Simon),
three surveys varying along geographic, social and economic dimensions serve
as the premise to uncover characteristics of Belgian French. At the segmental
level, height differentiation in mid vowels is generally observed (though some
degree of neutralization is found in the speech of western, and younger
Belgians), vowel lengthening assumes a phonological status, unstressed vowels
tend to open, mostly for central and eastern older speakers, who also favor
vowel hiatus (though glide resolution, as in FR, is also employed), and
word-final consonants are devoiced, mostly in the speech of older, non-western
speakers. The behavior of schwa and liaison consonants does not significantly
diverge from FR. At the prosodic level, the clear identification of
Belgian-specific traits is still deserving of comprehensive inspection. All in
all, precise phonological markers of Belgian French are fine-grained, yet
eroding in younger generations of speakers.

Chapter 7 (''A study of young Parisian speech: Some trends in pronunciation'',
Anita Berit Hansen) focuses on the speech of nine young native Parisians. The
author notes a slightly varying phonemic organization from FR; in particular,
a phonetic tendency to merge mid-vowels in unstressed syllables (for /e/-/ɛ/
and /ø/-/œ/ more so than for /o/-/ɔ/), a latent /a-ɑ/ distinction (that
marginally emerges under normative pressures), a speaker-dependent /œ̃-ɛ̃/
opposition, and a fluctuating realization of /ɲ/ as [ɲ], [nj] or [n]. On the
subject of schwa, other than in CC_C contexts, it is also relatively well
maintained in word-initial VC_C contexts, and routinely dropped in analogous
word-medial contexts, while ''schwa-tagging'' (Armstrong & Unsworth, 1999) in
pre-pausal contexts is also attested, especially in the speech of more
educated speakers. The realization of optional liaisons (traditionally tied to
levels of formality) is minute, even in the context of a formal conversation.
The author surmises that these ''dynamic tendencies [...] could well be those
of tomorrow's 'français de référence''' (169).

In Chapter 8 (''A phonological study of a Swiss French variety: Data from the
canton of Neuchâtel'', Isabelle Racine and Helene N. Andreassen), phonological
attributes of Swiss French are presented. Variation from FR is most apparent
in the vowel system, where an acoustic analysis of vowel contrasts reveals a
contrastive length distinction in both open and closed syllables, an /e/-/ɛ/
and /o/-/ɔ/ opposition in word-final open syllables (while /a-ɑ/ only
contrasts in word-final closed syllables), and an age-sensitive /œ̃-ɛ̃/
opposition. Regarding the latter two contrasts, further analysis indicates a
cantonal difference; the /a-ɑ/ distinction is made quantitatively in
Neuchâtel, but qualitatively in Nyon, and the /œ̃-ɛ̃/ distinction only exists
in Neuchâtel (mostly for older speakers). The study of schwa in word-initial
syllables shows that its retention in C#C_C and ##C_C environments is
contingent upon word frequency, whereas its alternation in V#C_C contexts is
subject to ''token frequency, the frequency of variants, extra-grammatical
constraints and segmental constraints'' (197), as well as the age of speakers.
This latter characteristic also seems to affect the behavior of variable
liaison, which is manifested in very few verbal forms, but the paucity of data
forbids any firm conclusions. Altogether, these studies illustrate language
variation at various socio-demographic and regional levels.

Part III focuses on North American varieties of French. Chapter 9 presents
''An overview of the phonetics and phonology of Acadian French spoken in
northeastern New Brunswick (Canada)'' (Wladyslaw Cichocki). Its phonological
properties do not extensively differ from FR, other than the presence of /œ̃,
h, ʧ, ʤ, ŋ/ (the latter three via English), /ɛ/-/ɛ:/ and /a-ɑ/ contrasts, and
the unclear phonemic status of glides. However, phonetic departures abound.
Noteworthy ones include the laxing and devoicing of high vowels, the lowering
of /ɛ/ before a rhotic consonant (i.e. /R/), vowel diphthongization, vowel
fusion, varying <oi> pronunciations, assibilation of /t, d/, velarization of
/ɲ/, shifting realizations of /R/ (also metathesizing with schwa), and
consonant cluster simplifications. These characteristics are all featured in
Québec (Laurentian) French as well. More specific to Acadian French is the
neutralization of /ɔ̃-ã/, the rise of mid-back vowels (i.e. 'ouisme') and
mid-vowels before /R/, the affrication of /t, d/, and the glottalization of
/t/. Schwa and liaison are, by comparison, pretty standard, though the authors
note meager instances of optional liaisons.

In Chapter 10 (''Laurentian French (Quebec): Extra vowels, missing schwas and
surprising liaison consonants'', Marie-Hélène Côté), Laurentian French is in
the spotlight. Its vowel inventory comprises 23 contrastive segments (compared
to 15 in FR), among which there are high lax and long vowel sets (e.g. /i(:),
ɪ(:), y(:), ʏ(:), u(:), ʊ(:)/), four nasal vowels (/ẽ, œ̃, ɔ̃, ɒ̃/) four
rising diphthongs (/ɥi, wẽ, wa, wɒ/), and three unusual low vowels (/ɜ, a,
ɒ/). Their allophonic realizations are highly variable and dependent on
syllable shape (and its intralexical position) and the immediate consonantal
environment where lengthening, devoicing, neutralization and diphthongization
processes are observed (the latter being socially marked). Its consonant
inventory is akin to that of FR, but again, surface forms vary, most notably
in: the production of /R/, straddling a dorsal/apical place of articulation;
the assibilation and prevocalic tapping of dental stops; the retention of
word-final [t]; and the gemination of intervocalic /l/ and its deletion in
clitics. Surprisingly, schwa is phonemically absent and phonetically
''misplaced'' in non-final syllables, where they are omitted in expected
contexts, but realized in incongruous ones, and altogether ''avoided'' when
considering the whole PFC corpus. Regarding categorical liaison, the author
particularly notes the unusual participation of [l] and the absence of liaison
with 'ils', as well as the atypical pattern of [t] and [z] liaison in variable
contexts.

Chapter 11 (''''Cajun'' French in a non-Acadian community: A phonological
study of the French of Ville Platte, Louisiana'', Thomas A. Klingler and
Chantal Lyche) describes ''Cajun'' French, which the authors refer to as
''Louisiana French'' (LF) for reasons of ethnic neutrality. Today, LF is
primarily spoken by elderly, LF-illiterate individuals, which necessitated
some adjustments to the PFC protocol. Hence, this phonological description
rests on analyzed data of only four native LF speakers. Vocalic properties
include high vowel laxing, adherence to the LdP for mid-vowels, more posterior
realizations of /ɑ/ (compared to FR), and extensive nasalization. Consonantal
and prosodic properties, on the other hand, directly reflect the influence of
English through the presence of /ʧ, ʤ/ (and to a lesser degree /ŋ/) and their
overall attenuated articulation, the aspiration of voiceless stops, and the
presence of lexical stress. Other North American features, such as stop
affrication, dental assibilation and schwa metathesis, are also reported, as
well as FR-like aspects, such as word-final cluster simplification, standard
schwa patterns, and the continued use of categorical liaison (especially as a
plural marker). Variable liaison is completely absent.

Chapter 12 discusses ''Laurentian French phonology in a majority setting
outside Québec: Observations from the PFC Hearst Ontario study'' (Jeff
Tennant). Surprisingly, its ''low intensity contact with English'' (335)
enables Hearst French to preserve the majority of Laurentian French's
segmental, allophonic, and prosodic characteristics described above. This
French variety therefore remains extraordinarily immune to English influences.

Concluding our westward journey through Canada, Chapter 13 reports on
''Albertan French phonology: French in an anglophone context'' (Douglas C.
Walker). Albertan French (AF) also possesses Laurentian characteristics, both
in terms of phonemic inventories and allophonic realizations. Schwa, however,
assumes a distinct phonological status and phonetic quality. Its behavior in
polysyllabic and monosyllabic words is largely consistent with that of FR,
although task demands may yield slightly varying manifestations; the reading
passage favored its retention while the spontaneous conversation exhibited
more deletions. Task demands also factored in the behavior of liaison, which
only concerned the consonants /t, n, z/. In the reading task, the number of
liaisons with both mono- and poly-syllabic words is comparably low. However,
it is even lower in the conversation task, where it is quasi-absent for
polysyllables, but fairly present for /n/ in monosyllables. The author also
reiterates the absence of liaison with 'ils'. Overall, the parameters
underlying schwa and liaison segments in AF are wearing away with increased
informality. Lastly, the impact of English is readily apparent in a number of
(un)assimilated loanwords, as well as in instances of calquing and
code-switching, which indicate the coexistence of two interacting phonological
systems in the minds of AF bilingual speakers.

EVALUATION

This volume is geared towards a readership interested in contemporary aspects
of language variation who is also adequately versed in phonological
terminology.

What is immediately appealing when reading the introductory chapter is the
promise of a highly organized and reader-friendly volume. Chapter 1 indeed
excels at illustrating the content and format of all subsequent chapters by
discussing the hallmarks of French phonology. This discussion is, first of
all, honest in that it recognizes the difficulty of identifying a ''français
de référence'' (Morin, 2000; FR), a term that ''remains far from being either
straightforward or unambiguous'' (Laks, 2002: 2). Second, the discussion
revolving around specific phonological characteristics of French is very
accessible to readers with a general understanding of phonology. Each
phonological feature is presented with utmost clarity and is illustrated with
relevant language examples. The authors are to be commended for their
objectivity and efforts to stray away from theoretical biases in their
description of the phonological system of FR (a consideration also guiding
their data collection methodology for the PFC project). Attentive readers will
therefore appreciate an introductory chapter that is highly informative, yet
mindful of the pitfalls of the descriptive/prescriptive dichotomy.

By adopting a similar structure for all chapters, the authors have succeeded
in presenting scores of data in a readily comprehensible way. Each major
section features French as spoken in a monolingual (Europe), bilingual (North
America) and multilingual (Africa) context; individually, each survey offers
an unprecedented look into the phonological system of selected varieties of
French. These socio-phonological descriptions are thorough and technical, yet
little theoretical machinery is invoked to make sense of them. Studies in
Parts I and III are of particular interest given French's status as a second
language (in Africa) and its contact with a plurality of first languages (in
Africa, and North America [with English]). Researchers interested in L2
acquisition and contact linguistics will therefore benefit from the original
data sets. One may, however, regret the fact that none of the African
varieties of French presented in this volume include Maghreb, an important
French-speaking region of Africa. Pertinent insights could have been drawn
from the study of such vibrant speech varieties with contrasting
sociolinguistic profiles. Another slight point of disappointment might come
from the homogeneity of Chapter 10 and 12's descriptions: the former appears
more exhaustive than the latter, but Chapter 12 nevertheless presents an
exceptional situation of language contact. Finally, Part II may be of most
interest to dialectologists, who may find prosperous avenues for further
research (as expressed by numerous authors).

In sum, this volume will surely become the reference book par excellence for
any socio-phonologist of contemporary French.

REFERENCES

Armstrong, Nigel, and Sharon Unsworth. 1999. Sociolinguistic variation in
southern French schwa. Linguistics 37 (1): 127-156.

Coquillon, Annelise, and Jacques Durand. 2010. Le français méridional:
Eléments de synthèse. In Les variétés du français parlé dans l'espace
francophone: ressources pour l'enseignement, eds. Sylvain Detey, Jacques
Durand, Bernard Laks and Chantal Lyche, 185-197. Paris: Ophrys.

Durand, Jacques. 1988. Phénomènes de nasalité en français du midi: phonologie
de dépendance et sous-spécification. Nouvelles Phonologies, Recherches
Linguistiques de Vincennes 17:29-54.

Durand, Jacques. 2009. Essai de panorama critique des accents du Midi. In Le
français d'un continent à l'autre: Mélanges offerts à Yves Charles Morin, eds.
Luc Baronian and France Martineau, 123-170. Collection Les Voies du français.
Québec: Presses de l'Université Laval.

Laks, Bernard. 2002. Description de l'oral et variation: La phonologie et la
norme. L'information grammaticale 94:5-11.

Morin, Yves-Charles. 2000. Le français de référence et les normes de
prononciation. Cahiers de l'Institut de Linguistique de Louvain 26:91-135.


ABOUT THE REVIEWER

Lionel Mathieu holds a Masters degree in linguistics from the University of
Arizona, where he is currently working on his PhD dissertation. His research
interests focus on the phonology-orthography interface, loanword adaptations
from a theoretical and experimental perspective, psycholinguistics and second
language acquisition.








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