28.2966, Diss: The syntax of Objects: Agree and Differential Object Marking

[The LINGUIST List]

LINGUIST List: Vol-28-2966. Fri Jul 07 2017. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 28.2966, Diss: The syntax of Objects: Agree and Differential Object Marking

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Date: Fri, 07 Jul 2017 13:33:21
From: Miguel Rodríguez-Mondoñedo [mmondon at pucp.edu.pe]
Subject: The syntax of Objects: Agree and Differential Object Marking

 
Institution: University of Connecticut 
Program: Department of Linguistics 
Dissertation Status: Completed 
Degree Date: 2007 

Author: Miguel Rodríguez-Mondoñedo

Dissertation Title: The syntax of Objects: Agree and Differential Object Marking 

Dissertation URL:  http://digitalcommons.uconn.edu/dissertations/AAI3276641/

Linguistic Field(s): Syntax

Subject Language(s): Spanish (spa)


Dissertation Director(s):
Željko Bošković
Jonathan Bobaljik
Diane Lillo-Martin
Jairo Nunes

Dissertation Abstract:

This dissertation investigates the nature of Differential Object Marking
(DOM), using Spanish as a case study. It proposes that DOM arises from an
interaction between case and agreement; in particular, from the suggestion
that Agree is sensitive to the feature specification of probes and goals.
Based on the observation that Spanish Existential Constructions (SEC) have
accusative objects and that nominals marked for [person] (for instance John or
him) are not allowed as SEC-objects, not even with list-readings, I propose
that haber-sentences have a νP, which accounts for the presence of accusative.
I argue that the small ν has only [number]. If a nominal does not have
[person], the probe ν will be complete with respect to its goal, then it will
be able to value the [case] feature of the nominal. But if the nominal does
have [person], it cannot check case against small ν, because ϕ-incomplete
probes cannot value the case feature of ϕ-complete probes. Significantly,
ϕ-complete nominals in SEC cannot be rescued by using A, the element that
generally marks specific and animate objects in Spanish (DOM). Based on this,
I extend the analysis to all transitive verbs; this means that Spanish ν has
only [number] and no [person]: as a result, no [person] nominal can value its
Case against ν. Hence [person] nominals must move out to avoid being
spelled-out with an unvalued feature. In transitive constructions, [person]
nominals move via [Spec, νP] to an additional position (a dative head, which
explains the A). This means the incompleteness of ν is not a marginal aspect
of SEC, but a core property of Spanish νP, and perhaps of all DOM languages.
This dissertation also offers a thorough exploration of specificity and
animacy in Spanish DOM, and examines several issues with respect to DOM that
have been difficult to solve, proposing an account of these issues that
naturally fits the system developed in the dissertation.




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