30.107, Calls: Gen Ling, Morphology, Semantics, Syntax, Typology/Germany

Wed Jan 9 07:00:05 UTC 2019

LINGUIST List: Vol-30-107. Wed Jan 09 2019. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 30.107, Calls: Gen Ling, Morphology, Semantics, Syntax, Typology/Germany

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Date: Wed, 09 Jan 2019 01:58:13
From: Gurujegan Murugesan [anaphoragreementeffect at gmail.com]
Subject: DISCO Workshop on Dependency in Syntactic Covariance (Phi-agreement, reference and Case)

Full Title: DISCO workshop on Dependency in Syntactic Covariance (Phi-agreement, reference and Case) 
Short Title: DISCO 

Date: 16-Apr-2019 - 17-Apr-2019
Location: Leipzig, Germany 
Contact Person: Gurujegan Murugesan
Meeting Email: anaphoragreementeffect at gmail.com
Web Site: https://sites.google.com/view/discoworkshop/home 

Linguistic Field(s): General Linguistics; Morphology; Semantics; Syntax; Typology 

Call Deadline: 15-Feb-2019 

Meeting Description:

The Leipzig Institute for Linguistics and Linguistics in Göttingen are pleased
to announce the DISCO workshop on Dependency in Syntactic Covariance
(phi-agreement, reference and case), which will take place in Leipzig, Germany
on April 16-17, 2019.

Within the Minimalist Framework (2000; 2001), syntactic dependencies (yielding
co-variance between two or more elements) are formalized in terms of the
abstract operation Agree between a probe and a goal. Thus, Agree between a
phi-defective probe (T or v) and an inherently phi-valued goal (a DP) yields
subject or object verbal agreement. Abstractly, Agree encodes a formal
dependency between a goal which is inherently specifed for some feature F, and
a probe in its local c-command domain, which is lacking, in some sense, for F.
The output of such a dependency is feature co-variance between the probe and
goal, which can then feed further operations at the sound (PF) and meaning
(LF) interfaces. As such, Agree has been extended to account not just for
classic phi-agreement, but any kind of syntactic dependency, including cases
of referential dependency between DPs, like anaphora (Hicks 2009; Reuland
2011; Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd 2011; Sundaresan 2018: a.o.) and control
(Hornstein 1999; Landau 2003). But while extending the empirical domain of a
single operation like Agree is definitely a welcome consequence, questions
remain as to whether there is a strong argument for all of these phenomena to
be treated alike in syntax. To the extent that such operations are subject to
syntactic constraints, it is also legitimate to ask whether these constraints
are, in fact, uniform. Finally, the formal properties of Agree themselves
continue to be hotly contested. 

We are very pleased to announce the following invited speakers at the
workshop:

Byron Ahn (Princeton University)
Mark Baker (Rutgers University)
Rajesh Bhatt (UMass Amherst)
Anke Himmelreich (Universität Leipzig)
Gurmeet Kaur (Universität Göttingen)
Eric Reuland (Universiteit Utrecht)
Susi Wurmbrand (Universität Wien)
Michelle Yuan (University of Chicago)

Key Dates: 

Abstract submissions due: February 15, 2019 
Notification of acceptance: early March 2019

Organizers: Gurujegan Murugesan, Louise Raynaud, Sandhya Sundaresan, Hedde
Zeijlstra (DFG-project Anaphora vs Agreement: Investigating the
Anaphor-Agreement Effect)

Call for Papers:

We are interested in the following research questions:

-What features are involved in Agree operations involving phi-agreement,
reference, and/or case?
-Do all features engage in Agree in the same way, or are some (phi or other)
features more privileged than others for phenomena that are analyzable in
terms of Agree? (Nevins 2011; Sundaresan to appear)
-What can phenomena such as phi-agreement, reference and case tell us about
the directionality of Agree, and how can this be empirically tested? (Baker
2008; Bjorkman & Zeijlstra to appear; Preminger 2013; Wurmbrand 2014;
Zeijlstra 2012)
-Is there an inherent asymmetry between the Agree holding between a functional
head and a DP (e.g.with phi-agreement) and that holding between two DPs (as in
cases of anaphora or control)?
-Relatedly, can Agree explain Rizzi's (1990) observation that anaphors cannot
control phi-covarying agreement on the verb (the Anaphor-Agreement Effect)
(Rizzi 1990; Woolford 1999)?
-Do all Agree phenomena observe the same locality requirements? How can
locality be usefully defined for purposes of Agree: absolutely, in terms of
phases (Chomsky 2001), or relatively, in terms of intervention effects
(Halpert 2018; Keine 2016)?
-What is the place of Agree in a modular grammar (narrow syntax, LF or PF),
and how can we empirically test this?

We invite submissions contributing novel data and innovative approaches to
the following aspects of dependency relations:

- phi-agreement (including issues of pro-drop conditioned by Agree)
- case/Case (including dependent case, the abstract licensing of case,
morphological case)
- anaphora, including local anaphora and logophora, bound variable pronouns
and other cases of coreference
- the Anaphor-Agreement Effect
- person licensing and person restrictions, including phenomena like the
Person Case Constraint, person splits and person hierarchies
- issues pertaining to perspective, sentience/animacy and reference
- the fallibility of Agree, default agreement and repair strategies
- control
- multiple Agree operations and their timing
- issues of locality (including issues of clausal finiteness, long-distance
agreement, and long-distance anaphora) that bear on the issues of syntactic
co-variance above

Abstracts must be anonymous and should not exceed two A4 page in length
(12-point, 2.54cm/1-inch margins), not including references. Abstracts may be
submitted via EasyChair at the following link:
https://easychair.org/conferences/?conf=disc0

Read the full version of the call for paper on our website:
https://sites.google.com/view/discoworkshop/call-for-papers

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