31.1911, Review: Historical Linguistics; Linguistic Theories; Typology: Cristofaro, Zúñiga (2018)
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Subject: 31.1911, Review: Historical Linguistics; Linguistic Theories; Typology: Cristofaro, Zúñiga (2018)
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Date: Tue, 09 Jun 2020 22:34:57
From: Philemon Gomwalk [philgomwalk at outlook.com, philgomwalk at gmail.com]
Subject: Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony and Diachrony
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EDITOR: Sonia Cristofaro
EDITOR: Fernando Zúñiga
TITLE: Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony and Diachrony
SERIES TITLE: Typological Studies in Language 121
PUBLISHER: John Benjamins
YEAR: 2018
REVIEWER: Philemon Victor Gomwalk, University of Jos
SUMMARY
In this collection of articles, the respective authors deal with a wide range
of topics that cover both synchronic and diachronic approaches to typological
hierarchies in languages of the world. Most of the chapters are
forward-looking in terms of their outlook on the major typological hierarchies
identifiable in numerous languages cited in individual chapters.
>From the theoretical perspective of the editors of the collection, typological
hierarchies are generally understood as one of the major research results of
the functional-typological approach to the study of diachronic linguistics; an
approach which focuses on chains of synchronic, implicational relationships
pertaining to the distribution of different grammatical phenomena
cross-linguistically (see Chapter 1, pp. 5-10 of the collection)
Some of the chapters in the collection postulate the existence and operation
of organizational principles of language that favor particular grammatical
configurations as opposed to others. For example, the distribution of 'zero'
versus 'overt' marking, as described in the NUMBER hierarchy, is accounted for
in terms of an 'economy principle’, whereby speakers tend to use overt number
marking only when it is really needed. Thus, each value on the number
hierarchy is less frequent than the value to the left in a typical grammatical
construction in many languages of the world. More frequent values are easier
to identify in such structures, so are in less need of disambiguation through
overt marking (see Chapter 1, p. 7).
The editors of the book collection cite such key seminal studies as Greenberg
(1995); Croft (2003) and Haspelmath (2006) as containing typical expositions
of the general principles of zero versus overt number marking in languages.
Similarly, some of the contributions in the collection under review also serve
to illustrate the workings of the principles of the ANIMACY/REFERENTIAL
hierarchy in languages. This particular hierarchy attempts to capture a
pattern in which number distinctions in grammatical constructions are made for
only 'animates' or 'inanimates + nonanimates', but never for 'inanimates'.
Thus, number distinctions are considered to be more relevant to animates than
to inanimates, since the former category are inherently individuated than the
latter (see Chapter 1, p.8).
Another fundamental issue raised and discussed in some chapters of the
collection relate to the explanation of principles of logical hierarchies in
terms of synchronic distributional patterns and to the connection of such
patterns to their diachronic sources. The editors draw attention to the
existence of certain general assumptions about the link between synchronic
patterns and their possible diachronic sources. One key assumption is that
particular grammatical principles can make it possible to account for
diachronic patterns by looking at the synchronic properties of languages,
especially from a cross-linguistic perspective. The theoretical implication of
this assumption is that there are synchronic grammatical principles which make
it possible for speakers to recurrently use particular constructions, as
opposed to others – a practice that often leads to the conventionalization of
particular constructions within a particular language.
Within the framework of the series of arguments put forward in different
chapters of the book collection, it is clear that the distributional patterns
described by typological hierarchies in many languages of the world are not
always directly related to principles pertaining to the synchronic properties
of the distributions per se. Rather, individual patterns may be shown to
reflect properties of particular source constructions and developmental
processes which are independent of the resulting distributions (see Chapter 1
in the collection). Convincing diachronic evidence of this line of argument
(i.e. individual patterns reflecting properties of particular source
constructions in languages) are, for example, provided in Part 1 of the
collection by Cristofaro & Zuniga as well in other chapters in Part 2,
especially those of Denis Creissels (Chapter 2, pp.59-109) and of Marianne
Mithun (Chapter 3, pp. 111-128) in the collection.
For instance, the key conclusion that emerges from the discussion in Mithun's
chapter is that development of 'ergative case markers’ from instrumentals in
language of the Iroquoian language family in North America is plausibly
triggered by the absence of an overtly expressed agent as well as the semantic
connection between instruments and agents within particular constructions in
the said languages from a diachronic point of view. Mithun specifically argues
that to the extent that ergative makers are derived from instrumental markers,
this provides a plausible explanation for such markers to be restricted to the
right-end portion of the NUMBER hierarchy in Iroquoian languages (see Mithun's
chapter, p. 127).
In a similar vein, the discussion in Chapter 2 written by Denis Creissels
clearly suggests that in an ergative language, the development of particular
diachronic alignment patterns (including but not limited to number
hierarchies) need not be directly related to any synchronic properties of
these patterns. Rather, these diachronic patterns can be traceable to the
original structure of highly particularized source constructions, and their
development may have been triggered by unknown factors leading to the
re-analysis of these constructions.
Creissels provides convincing illustrative evidence drawn from such languages
as Basque, Akhvak, Latvian, Tagalog and Guarani in order to support his basic
arguments and conclusions on the operations of the obligatory coding
principle, as it affects such processes as 'Tense-Aspect-Modality' (TAM)
grammatical ellipsis and univerbation of light verb compounds(see Creissels'
chapter, p.104).
EVALUATION
With respect to an overall assessment of the quality and impact of the
respective chapters in the book collection, I must admit that I enjoyed the
style of presentation and depth of illustrations contained in the specific
following chapters, in ascending order of preference: first, Chapter 6 by
Antoine Guillaume; second, Chapter 8 by Francoise Rose; third, Chapter 10 by
Scot DeLancey and; fourth, Chapter 11 by Joannes Helmbrecht, Lukas Deck, Sarah
Thanner and Ilenia Tonetti.
Chapter 6 by Antoine Guillaume receives my highest rating (i.e. 1st) in the
collection because the author succeeds in providing a plausible historical
reconstruction of the Reyessana hierarchical agreement system of prefixes,
alongside a reconstruction of its entire argument marking system.
The two major reconstruction designs provided in the chapter represent an
interesting and valuable contribution to the on-going theoretical debate
around the functional motivations for the cross-linguistic, recurring role of
SAP > 3 hierarchy, especially the interconnectivity within the 1 > 2 > 3
proper > 3 human > 3 animate > 3 inanimate NOMINAL hierarchy continuum.
Guillaume's chapter has, in my view, succeeded in adding credible supportive
evidence to the basic position also expressed in such studies as Cristofaro
(2013) and Guildea & Zuniga (2016). Contrary to the traditional view which
holds that the PERSON (or Nominal) hierarchy is a immutable universal feature
of human language (reflective of a general principle of human cognition), the
evidence presented in Guillaume's chapter serves to seriously challenge the
theoretical basis of this long standing viewpoint, at least from a diachronic
perspective. Instead, the evidence points to the fact that the source of
morphemes and constructions that lead to hierarchical patterns and effects are
not necessarily wholly homogeneous (or universalistic) but can also be
heterogeneous in nature (see Guillaume's chapter, p.252).
The diachronic data provided in Guillaume's chapter also point to the fact
that the diachronic changes which affect some source morphemes or
constructions in human languages can eventually lead to the development of
marked grammatical systems that do not necessarily involve the intervention of
a PERSON hierarchy.
Chapter 8 written by Francoise Rose receives my next highest rating (i.e. 2nd)
in the book collection because it attempts to provide an alternative
perspective to the traditional viewpoint on PERSON indexing systems in
languages built on the typical 1 > 2 > 3, especially in relation to
contemporary Tupi-Guarani and Proto-Tupi-Guarani language varieties.
The discussion, illustrations and conclusions that emerge from Rose's chapter
provide additional supportive evidence for the position also canvassed by the
same author in a previous study (Rose, 2015).The major arguments in Rose’s
(2015), simply put, is that the 1 > 2 > 3 person hierarchy is not a
universally applicable system in languages as often assumed in previous
synchronic and diachronic linguistic literature on hierarchical systems.
The chapter by Rose in the collection tries to further justify the new line of
argument that the PERSON hierarchy has not been the functional motivation
responsible for the creation of the hierarchical systems observed in both
contemporary Tupi-Guarani and Proto-Tupi-Guarani.
The chapter by Rose indeed raises quite plausible possibilities that such a
hierarchy could have resulted from historical morphological processes which
are linked to the diachronic indexing of pronominal paradigms lacking
third-person (3P) forms.
In the final analysis, the discussion contained and illustrations put forward
by Rose in the collection may be viewed as providing another line of argument
for clearly distinguishing the use of hierarchies as an analytical tool for
describing the synchronic stages of language from their parallel use as a
functional motivation of diachronic facts (see Rose's Chapter, p.304).
Chapter 10 written by Scott DeLancey receives my third commendation because it
provides credible evidence and illustrations of the diachronic changes that
are observable in the indexation of the categories SAP 1 → SAP 2 in a selected
number of Tibeto-Burman languages.
The discussion in DeLancey's chapter points to a number of significant facts
which can be summarized as follows first, the deictic ranking SAP > 3 is
fundamentally conservative in the languages sampled. Second, the inverse
marking which is used to emphasize such ranking appears to be prominent from
the data provided by DeLancey with specific reference to the Tibeto-Burman
languages cited in the chapter. Third, the diachronic changes in the marking
of both SAP 1 →2 and SAP 2 →1 categories seem to indicate two contrasting
tendencies. The first tendency is one in which the SAP 1 →2 category is
uniquely marked in different languages of the Tibeto-Burman language family
while the second tendency is one in which the SAP 2 →1 category seems to
merge with the markings of the SAP 3 →1 category. These tendencies are
observed to apply differently in languages and branches of the larger
Tibeto-Burman language phylum.
On the basis of the data provided in his chapter, DeLancey proposes that the
observed tendencies in the Tibeto-Burman languages are acceptable as
reflections of socio-pragmatic effects which, in turn, arise from the socially
delicate nature of all natural utterances involving both the speaker and
addressee in naturalistic grammatical constructions found in the languages
reviewed (see DeLancey's chapter, p.370).
Chapter 11 written by Johannes Helmbrecht, Lukas Denk, Sarah Thanner and
Ilenia Tonetti receives myfourth commendation because it focuses on the
operations of the NUMERACY hierarchy which is central to description and
explanation of 'case marking and agreement' phenomena in languages. The
quality of treatment given the numeracy hierarchy in the chapter is sufficient
both in depth and comprehensiveness.
The authors make a worthwhile effort to provide a clear definition of the
animacy hierarchy and how it is manifested across several natural languages of
the world. Languages from which illustrative data was extensively drawn
include those from Australia, North America and Central America.
In the course of their treatment, the authors draw attention to the cardinal
fact that the ANIMACY hierarchy belongs to a unique category of hypothetical
hierarchies which combine sub-scales as 'person', 'definiteness', and
‘semantic animacy'. Also identifiable as central to the overall discussion of
the Animacy hierarchy by Helmbrecht et al is the repudiation of the assumption
that Proper Nouns (PN) traditionally occupy an intermediary place between
Personal Pronouns and Common Nouns within typical grammatical domains in
languages.
This particular point raised by Helmbrecht et al, in their chapter, is of
evaluative significance because they were able to provide sufficient
evidential data to seriously dispute the conventional claim that proper nouns
occupy an intermediate place between personal nouns and common nouns, at least
with respect to the diachronic study of selected languages. The arguments
provided in favor of their stated position in the chapter are based
essentially on analysis of sample data drawn from more than 30 languages which
manifest 'split-ergativity' (or hierarchical alignment).
In the course of their analysis, Helmbrecht et al sought to establish
approximate morphosyntactic coding patterns for Personal Nouns (PN),
ultimately arriving at one cardinal conclusion; inter alia, '' Given the weak
amount of evidence available for the hypothesis that PN are separate class of
referential expressions that occupy a middle position in ANIMACY hierarchy
(AH), we would like to express doubts that this hypothesis as it is can be
maintained. We do not want to abolish the AH, but we think that it needs to be
modified'' (see Helmbrecht et al, p.394).
CONCLUDING REMARKS
The edited collection by Cristofaro and Zuniga represents, to my mind, a
valuable contribution to the study of emergent theoretical and methodological
issues in language diachrony. The collection makes several stimulating and
challenging points about wide-ranging issues revolving around typological
hierarchies in both contemporary and prehistorical varieties of language.
I found Part 1 of the collection, titled ''Setting the stage’’, written by the
editors (Sonia Cristofaro and Fernando Zuniga) particularly stimulating from a
theoretical point of view. This introductory chapter of the collection
presents a well -organized and readable overview of the key trends in the
emergent discussions of typological hierarchies as provided in the respective
chapters of the book.
The other chapters in Part 2 of the book collection are also well written,
dealing with various key issues of theoretical and methodological
significance, which are persuasively argued and illustrated from a wide range
of synchronic and diachronic language sources. In addition to making specific
references to key issues highlighted in individual chapters, the editors also
provide valuable cross-references to other studies already carried out on
issues of theoretical and methodological significance in relation to
typological hierarchies in languages.
REFERENCES
Blevins, Juliette. 2018. Evolutionary Phonology and the life cycle of
voiceless sonorants. In Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony and Diachrony,
Sonia Cristofaro & Fernando Zuniga (eds.). Amsterdam: John Benjamins (Chapter
1 of this volume).
Creissels, Denis. 2018. The obligatory coding principle in diachronic
perspective. In Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony and Diachrony, Sonia
Cristofaro & Fernando Zuniga (eds.). Amsterdam: John Benjamins (Chapter 2 of
this volume).
Cristofaro, Sonia & Zuniga, Fernando. 2018. Synchronic vs Diachronic
approaches to typological hierarchies. In Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony
and Diachrony, Sonia Cristofaro & Fernando Zuniga (eds.). Amsterdam: John
Benjamins (Part 1 of this volume).
DeLancey, Scott. 2018. Deictic and sociopragmatic effects in Tibeto-Burman SAP
indexation. In Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony and Diachrony, Sonia
Cristofaro & Fernando Zuniga (eds.). Amsterdam: John Benjamins (Chapter 10 of
this volume).
Guillaume, Antoine. 2018. From ergative case marking to hierarchical
agreement: A reconstruction of the argument -marking system of Reyesano
(Takanan, Bolivia). In Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony and Diachrony,
Sonia Cristofaro & Fernando Zuniga (eds.). Amsterdam: John Benjamins (Chapter
6 of this volume).
Helmbretcht, Johannes; Denk, Lukas; Thanner, Sarah & Tonetti, Ilenia. 2018.
Morphosyntactic coding of proper names and its implications for the Animacy
Hierarchy. In Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony and Diachrony, Sonia
Cristofaro & Fernando Zuniga (eds.). Amsterdam: John Benjamins (Chapter 11 of
this volume).
Mithun, Marianne. 2018. Deconstructing teleology: The place of usage patterns
among processes of diachronic development. In Typological Hierarchies in
Synchrony and Diachrony, Sonia Cristofaro & Fernando Zuniga (eds.). Amsterdam:
John Benjamins (Chapter 3 of this volume).
Rose, Francoise. 2018. Are the Tupi-Guarani hierarchical indexical systems
really motivated by the person hierarchy? In Typological Hierarchies in
Synchrony and Diachrony, Sonia Cristofaro & Fernando Zuniga (eds.). Amsterdam:
John Benjamins (Chapter 8, this volume).
OTHER RELATED REFERENCES
Blevins, Juliette. 2004. Evolutionary Phonology: The Emergence of Sound
Patterns. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Blevins, Juliette. 2008. Consonant Epenthesis: natural and unnatural
histories. In Linguistic Universals and Language Change, Jeff Good (ed),
79-107. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Blevins, Juliette. 2015. Evolutionary phonology: A holistic approach to sound
change typology. In Handbook of Historical Phonology, Patrick Honeybone &
Joseph Salmon (eds.), 485-500. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Corbett, Greville. 2011. Implicational Hierarchies. In The Handbook of
Language Typology, (ed.), 190-205. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Cristofaro, Sonia. 2011. Language Universals and Language Knowledge. In
Handbook of Linguistic Typology, Jae Jung Song (ed.). 227-249. Oxford: Oxford
University Press
Cristofaro, Sonia. 2013. The Referential Hierarchy: Reviewing the evidence in
diachronic perspective. In Languages Across Boundaries: Studies in the Memory
of Anna Siewierska, Dik Bakker & Martin Haspelmath (eds.), 62-93. Berlin:
Mouton de Gruyter
Croft, William. 2003. Typology and Universals, 2nd edtn. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press
Guildea, Spike & Zuniga, Fernando. 2016. Referential hierarchies: A new look
at some historical and typological patterns. Linguistics 54 (3): 483-530
Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The diachronic typological approach. In Approach to
Language Typology, Masayoshi Shibatani & Theodora Bynon (eds.), 145-166.
Oxford: Clarendon Press
Haspelmath, Martin. 2006. Against markedness (and what to replace it with).
Journal of Linguistics 42: 25-70
Mithun, Marianne. 2003. Functional perspectives on syntactic change. In The
Handbook of Historical Linguistics, Richard D. Janda & Brian D. Joseph (eds.),
552-572. Oxford: Blackwell.
Mithun, Marianne. 2008. The emergence of agentive systems in core argument
marking. In The Typology of Semantic Alignment, Mark Donohue & Soren Wichmann
(eds.). 297-333. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Rose, Francoise. 2015. When “you” and “I” mess around with the hierarchy: A
comparative study of Tupi-Guarani hierarchical indexation systems. Boletim do
Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. Ciencias Humanas 10 (2): 347- 369
Song, Jae Jung. 2001. Linguistic Typology: Morphology and Syntax. Harlow:
Longman
Zuniga, Fernando. 2006. Deixis and Alignment. Amsterdam: John Benjamins
ABOUT THE REVIEWER
Philemon Victor Gomwalk, PhD, has active research interests in understanding
the nature of the synchronic and diachronic linguistic typologies of languages
within the Chadic phylum in Nigeria, his home country. From 2000 till date,
the reviewer has remained an active member of the teaching staff of the
Department of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages, at the University of Jos,
Jos, Nigeria. His current fieldwork activities have increasingly focused on
exploring the nature and extent of short-term synchronic variation as well as
long-term diachronic change within the Jos-Plateau sub-region, a
well-documented zone of historical linguistic admixture and complexity in
Nigeria, dating from pre-historical into present times
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