33.2040, Review: Applied Linguistics: Cioè-Peña (2021)

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LINGUIST List: Vol-33-2040. Thu Jun 16 2022. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 33.2040, Review: Applied Linguistics: Cioè-Peña (2021)

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Date: Thu, 16 Jun 2022 20:48:33
From: Eric ALVAREZ [eric.alvarez.perez at gmail.com]
Subject: (M)othering Labeled Children

 
Discuss this message:
http://linguistlist.org/pubs/reviews/get-review.cfm?subid=36741117


Book announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/32/32-1726.html

AUTHOR: María  Cioè-Peña
TITLE: (M)othering Labeled Children
SUBTITLE: Bilingualism and Disability in the Lives of Latinx Mothers
SERIES TITLE: Bilingual Education & Bilingualism
PUBLISHER: Multilingual Matters
YEAR: 2021

REVIEWER: Eric ALVAREZ

SUMMARY

María Cioè-Peña’s book “(M)othering Labeled Children: Bilingualism and
Disability in the Lives of Latinx Mothers” delves into the lives of
historically ignored mothers in the U.S. Minoritized women’s social and
personal challenges are brought to light as they raise their children, labeled
emergent bilinguals and disabled by their school systems. We learn how
institutional decisions related to language, disability, and thus academic
placement influence family dynamics. By using testimonios, the book places
“mothers and their children at the center” (p. xii) of the investigation,
exploring what mothers know, how they access information, and how resources
are used to accompany their children along their educational journey. Despite
internal and external struggles, the narratives reveal how mothers navigate
their lives with the aim of helping their children, understanding disability,
and valuing bilingualism since “most important for these mothers is the role
that Spanish plays in their lives as undocumented Latinas.” (p. xii). The
implications for this book are noteworthy. Researchers, policy makers,
teachers, and even Latinx mothers will gain knowledge about bilingual
education at the crossroads with disability studies and special education.    
 

The book includes 13 chapters divided into three parts, with a foreword by
Ofelia García, well-known for her work on bilingual education, language
policy, and concepts such as translanguaging (CUNY, n.d.). García summarizes
the work suggesting that it is a book not about mothers, “but with mothers”
(p. xi), and that education is reciprocal: adults and children learn from each
other. For example, as De Houwer (2021) finds, through active engagement
children may influence parental language use patterns in bilingual
environments.  García concludes by stating that the “testimonios substitute
absences by plentitudes, disabilities by abilities, limited English by
competent bilingualism” (p. xiii) therefore recentering the children as
blessings (“bendiciones”) for all.    

In the preface Cioè-Peña exposes her positionality (the researcher’s identity,
objectives and relationship to participants). Indeed, in discussing
methodological issues in bilingualism research, Wei (2000) advances the idea
that a researcher’s identity is immensely important, since it impacts the
objectives and the researcher-participant relationship. Cioè-Peña thus emerges
as a “formally educated, middle class, multilingual, Black Latina who
immigrated to the United States” (p. xv) to account for bias and to establish
credibility. She also states her objective of representing mothers “from a
place of strength and appreciation” (p. xiv), contrary to present-day
depictions. Indeed, missing in her graduate education throughout her Ph.D.
were the voices of Latinx mothers, and through her book—a fruit of her
dissertation— she aspires to remedy this gap in the literature.  

Part 1 
The Social Constructions of Motherhood: Poverty, Monolingualism and Disability
(by Proxy)

In Chapter 1 Cioè-Peña shares how bilingual programs allowed her to become
“bilingual (and) biliterate” (p. 4). However, she describes how her sister,
classified as “struggling” by the school system, created a linguistic fracture
at home. Mothers, especially those raising dis/abled children, were described
as broken. Cioè-Peña realizes that policies intended to help were based on
exclusion and that mothers’ voices continued to be absent and viewed from “a
deficit perspective” (p. 7). Her desire to center mothers is reemphasized so
that she refers to their children as emergent bilinguals and acknowledges
their “full linguistic potential” (p. 8). Finally, an intersectional approach
for the study of these marginalized women is advanced.  

Chapter 2 presents how disenfranchised Latinx mothers are constructed as
“Others” and suggests that “the existing power dynamic between schools and
mothers allows schools to define parental involvement” (p. 14). To reposition
our engagement with them, three theoretical approaches are detailed.
Intersectionality “gives equal importance to language, dis/ability and gender”
(p. 17). Linguistic human rights (LHR) defend an individual’s right to access
their world in their language(s). Finally, the social construction model (SCM)
argues that dis/ability is a social construction that results in “oppression
and discrimination” (p. 21). We thus seek understanding of “complex women
navigating complicated systems” (p. 25). 

Chapter 3 discusses two methodological tools: testimonios and descriptive
inquiry (DI). “Testimonios” lie “heavily in the … understanding that a woman’s
experience is influenced by the multiple identity markers … gender race and
ethnicity” (p. 34). Along with recognizing power differences, “testimonios”
focus on the speaker’s goals and acknowledge the role of language, which is
why the interviews were in Spanish. DI is “excruciatingly hard” and it must be
done “without enacting … judgmental and deficit-centered language” (p. 37).
Observing mothers in their homes allowed for questions to emerge and
subsequently elicit life experiences related to “their children’s
bilingualism, dis/ability labels … parental identity … their relationship with
the school” (p. 39). The chapter shows how three participants were selected to
continue to Phase 2.

In Chapter 4 Cioè-Peña describes New York, where “to be White and monolingual
is to be the minority” since almost half of New Yorkers speak another language
other than English, usually “Spanish” (p. 43). She describes the immigrant
community Sunset Park, and the implications that the 2016 elections had on
them. Then the 10 participants are introduced, nine of which “identified as
Mexican … bound together by the shared experience of mothering emergent
bilingual children … identified as having a disability; by their use of
Spanish” (p. 46) in the home. However, only three women were “invited to serve
as Testimonialistas” (p. 48). 

Chapter 5 presents the three main mothers: Ana, María and Paty, who “followed
one principle: ‘primero están mis hijos’ [my children come first]”. Then, “the
three mothers’ homes, and their interactions with their children” (p. 53) are
described. Through the use of transcripts and pictures we are invited into
their homes, and we get a sense of how Spanish is used and also how “English
and Spanish interact in the home” (p. 61). The absence of men is highlighted
overall. In conclusion, Cioè-Peña affirms that the home “is the site of their
greatest and most taxing work … where most of their mothering takes place”
(pp. 63-64).

Part 2
Testimonios: Mothers Speak

Chapter 6 presents multiple ways that the mothers apprehend their child’s
dis/ability. Indeed, “they viewed their children as normal” (p. 67) and their
disability as something transitory that healthcare providers and God can help
overcome. These mothers not only minimize disability, but they also see
disability as a social construct, or “failure to recognize neurodiversity” (p.
69). While their child’s disability is a private matter, the disability label
is also a resource granting access to “added support in school” (p. 75) and
information to better “understand” (p. 77) their children’s challenges.
Nevertheless, these mothers often feel sad, helpless, and physically tired,
“revealing the complexity that arises from labeling a child with a disability”
(p. 86).    

Aspects of bilingualism are the focus of Chapter 7. Indeed, “English is more
important than their Spanish” (p. 90). However, bilingualism is tied to
“Latinx heritage” (p. 89), to future employment opportunities, and to
maintaining relationships with family abroad. Children’s various educational
settings are also discussed. Cioè-Peña highlights how “many bilingual students
labeled as dis/abled are often placed in English-only special education
programs” (p. 97), based on the perception that bilingualism hinders academic
progress. Also, a contradiction is revealed: “all of the mothers … expressed
an interest in bilingualism” (p. 98), but only two children were enrolled in
bilingual programs.

Chapter 8 delves further into the linguistic practices and perceptions of
mothers. Spanish language learning takes place in the home, allowing mothers
to “take on the role of Spanish teachers” (p. 108). However, to expand their
literacy development, children are also enrolled in catechism classes.
Nevertheless, some of these mothers also try to learn English, but their
“efforts … have often been met with serious challenges” (p. 110), including
time and money. We see a role reversal when children help their mothers learn
English in the home, which “supports the mothers’ perceptions of disability as
socially constructed” (p. 115).

In supporting academic development at home, Chapter 9 shows that “these
mothers are extremely engaged” (p. 118), but in non-traditional ways. First,
mothers help with what they can. When this path is exhausted, they turn “to
their other children” (p. 120) for help. Moreover, Cioè-Peña shows that “many
of the mothers relied on outside help” (p. 121), for example paying tutors or
enrolling their children in outside programs. Interestingly, technology like
Google Translate helped them “bridge the language gap … created by the school”
(p. 123). Despite the varied challenges, these mothers considered themselves
to be their child’s first teacher.

Chapter 10 underscores how the mothers’ felt lonely and overwhelmed because of
social isolation and family obligations. They cared for their other children
in the U.S. and abroad, dealt with their own health problems, drug and alcohol
abuse, and cared for their older parents. Moreover, “all of them were involved
in abusive spousal relationships” (p. 130), so they could not turn to their
husbands for help. Indeed, their roles were fractured since, with minimal
support, they were responsible for their dis/abled children, “their other
children … their spouses” (p. 141), and for some, even their siblings.
However, against these challenges the mothers persevered.

In Chapter 11 the mothers are recentered more positively. They reported
feeling happy, considered them “a blessing” (p. 143), and felt “loved by their
children.” (p. 146). This sentiment was reciprocal. Children spoke warmly
about their mothers even if they “identified English as [their mothers’]
primary impediment.” (p. 148). Nevertheless, in the mother-child relationship
homework was central, and caused “a great deal of stress … and frustration …
(creating) more distance than unity” (p. 149). In the study, homework was a
recurring theme. It was through this prism that the children understood “the
power dynamics associated with linguistic policies and with linguistic
abilities” (p. 150).  

Part 3
Making Room for Mothers: Visions of Radical Possibilities

The introduction to Chapter 12 resumes the challenges that mothers face,
stating that they are “as complicated … as the concepts of dis/abilities and
bilingualism” (p. 159). The next part of the chapter presents three of
Cioè-Peña’s “radical possibilities” (p. 160) to enact change. She first
suggests putting the theories presented in Part 1 into practice. Second, she
highlights the need for intersectional educational policies that address the
needs of dis/abled children “and their families” (p. 162). Third, she
underscores that “the existing literature does not need to be reframed, it
needs to be corrected” (p. 163) and that “more research needs to be dedicated
to the actual linguistic practices” (p. 163) of dis/abled children. The second
part of the chapter suggests various strategies that may be implemented. These
include better preparing future teachers, adapting curriculum, and supporting
parents in the home. Cioè-Peña’s concludes by making a first recommendation,
“that we restore school funding and allocate money for the services we know
parents and students need” (p. 173).

Chapter 13 is short. It reminds the reader how Cioè-Peña related to the
mothers’ stories, understanding “both the specificity of their experience and
the universality of their feelings” (p. 175). Her vision of the present book
is advanced and states that it is “not a presentation or revelation but rather
… an invitation for teachers, administrators and researchers to dig deeper, to
act intentionally, to connect with mothers” (p. 176)  

The book ends with an afterword by David J. Connor, in which he discusses
three broad topics. The first is his personal connection, where he was
reminded of an old Mexican-American friend and the struggles he and his mother
faced. The second is his professional connection and the “conceptual confusion
within the fields of bilingual education about disability, and in the field of
special education about bilingualism” (p. 180). Finally, at a global level,
the accounts related in this book could take place in any “urban centers
around the world … where immigrants—both documented and undocumented—strive to
adapt and provide for their children” (p. 181).

EVALUATION 

Cioè-Peña accomplishes what she set out to do in her book. She gives ten
incredible immigrant women a platform to share the ups but mostly downs of
supporting their emerging bilingual children diagnosed with disabilities.
Indeed, since 1996 Mehan showed that test results and expert knowledge are
privileged over a mother’s experiential knowledge when assessing children as
learning disabled. While it seems that not much has changed on this front, 25
years later, the voices that the U.S. educational system has ignored are
finally brought to the forefront through powerful testimonios. Cioè-Peña’s aim
of filling a gap in the literature is fulfilled as she positions Latinx
mothers as knowledge generators. Additionally, she shows that mothers and
their concerns should be central to discussions impacting their bilingual
dis/abled children. Indeed, language related institutional decisions impacted
these children at school and at home, especially when it came to homework, a
recurrent struggle for the Spanish speaking mothers. Nevertheless, the
attentive and respectful analyses of these Latinx mothers are at the
intersection of language, race, and disability, as the deficit perspective
anchored on standards of whiteness is challenged both by Cioè-Peña and the
mothers. Thus, the goal of deploying an intersectional approach is also
reached.

The book will undoubtedly be an asset to researchers, policy makers, and
teachers interested in bilingual education, disability studies, and special
education. Even so, it remains reader friendly since it is not excessively
scientific and theoretical concepts are well explained. It is thus accessible
to parents who are raising emergent bilinguals labeled as dis/abled and who
seek community and positive acknowledgment, but only if they can read English.
In other words, to expand the book’s reach to the very people to whom it gives
a voice, a future translation project into Spanish could be considered. If
not, it seems that it will only perpetuate the marginalization of Latinx
mothers, i.e., English-only access to information that it seeks to overcome.
Otherwise, the book is well organized and the references at the end of each
chapter were particularly appreciated. Cioè-Peña makes the reader feel as
though we are with her as she interacts with and interviews the mothers, and
their children. This is facilitated using some pictures, plenty of
transcripts, and by personal accounts of her relationships with the mothers.

Nevertheless, a drawback is that the book seemed somewhat repetitive,
especially when discussing the testimonios. For example, to introduce
discussions key words from the testimonios were cited from the Spanish
original. Naturally, they were followed by their English translations.
However, the entire testimonio was then presented in Spanish, followed again
by its English translation. Introducing testimonios in the speaker’s own words
could have helped avoid redundancy. Also, even if issues related to heritage
language acquisition, as Montrul (2016), Polinsky & Scontras (2019), or
heritage language socialization as Guardado (2018) and He (2014) have
thoroughly examined, were not the target of the book, I was surprised that
bilingualism was not briefly defined. Afterall, this was the outcome that
these mothers wished for their children. For example, Grosjean (2015)
discusses broad and strict definitions to help explain bilingual language
practices in different contexts. Furthermore, Valdés’s (2000) definition of
heritage speakers, one that includes dominance shift to English from Spanish
in the U.S., could have been helpful since it considers restricted use and
insufficient input of minority languages.

Overall Cioè-Peña’s book meets its goals. Along with the courageous mothers,
she provides valuable information through their testimonios. In doing so, the
current literature is expanded. Cioè-Peña also presents suitable
recommendations aimed at better helping mothers raise their emerging bilingual
children diagnosed with dis/abilities. The present intersectional study paves
new paths for interdisciplinary inquiry. For example, future research could
analyze discourse strategies, as Lanza (1997) proposes that parents use to
encourage and maintain bilingualism in the home. Finally, it could also be a
springboard to study fathers and their elusive roles in these types of
immigrant contexts. They too seem to be missing from the picture, so research
in this area may prove to be fruitful.

REFERENCES

He, A.W. (2014). Heritage language socialization. In A. Duranti, E. Ochs, and
B. Schieffelin (eds.), The Handbook of Language Socialization. 587-609. Wiley
Blackwell.

Houwer, A. D. (2021). Bilingual development in childhood.
doi:10.1017/9781108866002

Guardado, M. (2018). Discourse, ideology and heritage language socialization:
Micro and Macro Persepctives. De Gruyter Mouton.

Grosjean, F. (2015). Parler plusieurs langues. Paris: Albin Michel.

Lanza, E. (1997). Language mixing in infant bilingualism: A sociolinguistic
perspective.

Mehan, H. (1996). The construction of an LD student: A case study in the
politic of representation. In M. Silverstein and G. Urban (eds.), Natural
Histories of Discourse. 253-76. Chicago, Il: University of Chicago Press. 

Montrul, S. (2016). The acquisition of heritage languages. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.

Ofelia García. (n.d.).
https://www.gc.cuny.edu/Faculty/Core-Bios/Ofelia-Garcia.

Polinsky, M. & Scontras, G. (2019). A roadmap for heritage language research.
Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. 23 (1), 50-55. Doi:
10.1017/s1366728919000555

Valdés, G. (2000). Spanish for native speakers AATSP Professional Development
Series Handbook for teachers K-16 (Vol. 1). New York, NY: Harcourt College
Publishers.

Wei, L. (2009). The bilingualism reader. London: Routledge.


ABOUT THE REVIEWER

Eric Alvarez is a Ph.D. Candidate in linguistics at Sorbonne Nouvelle
University. He is also an associate teacher and researcher (ATER) at
Panthéon-Sorbonne University where he teaches English. His research interests
include bilingual acquisition, heritage bilingual socialization, language
contact, maintenance and shift, language mixing in bilingual communities, and
corpus linguistics. He is currently researching, through a longitudinal
case-study third-generation heritage Spanish socialization in Los Angeles,
California.





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