33.908, FYI: Monthly Online ILFC Seminar: Interactions between Formal and Computational Linguistics

[The LINGUIST List]

LINGUIST List: Vol-33-908. Wed Mar 09 2022. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 33.908, FYI: Monthly Online ILFC Seminar: Interactions between Formal and Computational Linguistics

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Date: Wed, 09 Mar 2022 03:22:10
From: Timothée Bernard [timothee.bernard at u-paris.fr]
Subject: Monthly Online ILFC Seminar: Interactions between Formal and Computational Linguistics

 
Monthly online ILFC Seminar: interactions between formal and computational
linguistics
https://gdr-lift.loria.fr/monthy-online-ilfc-seminar/

GdR LIFT is happy to announce the three forthcoming sessions of the ILFC
seminar on the interactions between formal and computational linguistics:

  · 2022 March 15 17:00-18:00 UTC+1: Mark Steedman (University of Edinburgh)
    Title: Projecting Dependency: CCG and Minimalism
    Abstract: Since the publication of “Bare Phrase Structure” it has been
clear that Chomskyan Minimalism can be thought of as a form of Categorial
Grammar, distinguished by the addition of movement rules to handle
“displacement” or non-local dependency in surface forms. More specifically,
the Minimalist Principle of Inclusiveness can be interpreted as requiring that
all language-specific details of combinatory potential, such as category,
subcategorization, agreement, and the like, must be specified at the level of
the lexicon, and must be either “checked” or “projected” unchanged by
language-independent universal rules onto the constituents of the syntactic
derivation, which can add no information such as “indices, traces, syntactic
categories or bar-levels and so on” that has not already been specified in the
lexicon.
The place of rules of movement in such a system is somewhat unclear. While
sometimes referred to as an “internal” form of MERGE, defined in terms of
“copies” that are sometimes thought of as identical, it still seems to involve
“action at a distance” over a structure. Yet Inclusiveness seems to require
that copies are already specified as such in the lexicon.
    Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG) insists under a Principle of
Adjacency that all rules of syntactic combination are local, applying to
contiguous syntactically-typed constituents, where the type-system in question
crucially includes second-order functions, whose arguments are themselves
functions. The consequence is that iterated contiguous combinatory reductions
can in syntactic and semantic lock-step project the lexical local binding by a
verb of a complement such as an object NP from the lexicon onto an unbounded
dependency, which can be satisfied by reduction with a relative pronoun or
right-node raising, as well as by an in situ NP. A number of
surface-discontinuous constructions, including raising, “there”-insertion,
scrambling, non-constituent coordination, and “wh”-extraction can thereby be
handled without any involvement of non-locality in syntactic rules, such as
movement or deletion, in a theory that is “pure derivational”. One you have
Inclusiveness, Contiguity is all you need.

  · 2022 April 12: Noortje Venhuizen (Saarland University)
    Title: Distributional Formal Semantics
    Abstract: [TBA]

  · 2022 May 17: Roger Levy (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
    Title: [TBA]
    Abstract: [TBA]

The seminar is held on Zoom. To attend the seminar and get updates, please
register to be on our mailing list:
https://sympa.inria.fr/sympa/subscribe/seminaire_ilfc
 



Linguistic Field(s): Computational Linguistics
                     Semantics
                     Syntax





 



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