36.1232, Reviews: Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: Pham (2025)

[The LINGUIST List]

LINGUIST List: Vol-36-1232. Sat Apr 12 2025. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 36.1232, Reviews: Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: Pham (2025)

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Date: 11-Apr-2025
From: Pham Thi Anh Dao [phamanhdao0711 at gmail.com]
Subject: Historical Linguistics, Phonetics, Phonology, Typology: Pham (2025)


Book announced at https://linguistlist.org/issues/31-3126

Title: Phonetic Causes of Sound Change
Subtitle: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents
Series Title: Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics
Publication Year: 2020

Publisher: Oxford University Press
           http://www.oup.com/us
Book URL:
https://global.oup.com/academic/product/phonetic-causes-of-sound-change-9780198845010?utm_source=linguistlist&utm_medium=listserv&utm_campaign=linguistics

Author(s): Daniel Recasens

Reviewer: Pham Thi Anh Dao

SUMMARY
This book is a monograph in the “Oxford Studies in Diachronic and
Historical Linguistics” series, which publishes research on language
change, covering areas such as grammar, phonology, semantics, and
historical linguistics. Providing a forum for both diachronic and
historical linguists, the series seeks to advance linguistic theory by
integrating current models, addressing broad theoretical questions,
and fostering interdisciplinary connections, while being inclusive of
diverse languages, frameworks, and methodologies.
The monograph explores the phonetic factors that drive sound change,
specifically focusing on the palatalization and assibilation of velar
stops (referred to as velar softening) and the softening of labial
stops and labiodental fricatives (labial softening). The study
encompasses a range of languages, including Romance dialects, Slavic
languages, Greek, Albanian, Romanian, and Bantu languages, providing
fresh perspectives on diachronic linguistic processes. It investigates
the ways in which articulatory and acoustic factors influence sound
changes, particularly how variations in vocal tract configurations
play a role in phonetic shifts. For instance, the fronting of velar
sounds leads to the development of affricates such as [tʃ] or [ts].
The research emphasizes the impact of changes in articulation and
airflow on consonantal acoustics, with potential consequences for
sound misidentification.
Additionally, the monograph examines the intermediate stages of sound
change, such as the palatalization of velars in Early Romance
languages, which manifests in regional variations, including [tʃ] in
Eastern Romance and [ts] in Western Romance. The study critiques the
existing models of sound change, arguing that velar softening is a
gradual process primarily driven by articulatory factors, rather than
by perceptual similarities. It challenges the acoustic-equivalence
hypothesis, proposing instead that articulatory processes are central
to sound change. Furthermore, the book addresses the phonologization
of allophones, exploring how specific sounds, particularly those
undergoing palatalization, acquire phonemic status, such as the shift
from [c] to [tʃ] in various Romance dialects. It underscores the
importance of contextual and articulatory factors in these
transformations, offering an analysis of how affrication leads to
phonemicization, while questioning the reliance on markedness theory.
The book is structured into six chapters, in which Chapters 1 and 6
are the introduction and conclusion, respectively. Whereas Chapters 2,
3, and 4 present various arguments in favor of an articulation-based
explanation for velar softening, Chapter 5 highlights labial
softening. In further detail, Chapter 2 defines velar softening as a
sound change where a velar stop consonant (e.g., /k/) shifts to a
palatalized affricate or fricative, such as [tʃ], [tɕ], [tç], or [ts],
typically before front vowels or palatal glides. For example, Latin
CENTU [ˈkεntʊ] becomes [ˈtʃεnto] in Tuscan Italian and [tsen] in Old
Catalan. The change progresses through an intermediate
(alveolo)palatal stop like [c], which can evolve into various
affricates or fricatives, depending on regional variation. Velar
softening often involves two processes: palatalization (where /k/
becomes [c]) and assibilation (where [c] becomes an affricate like
[tʃ]). In some cases, a fricative can emerge directly from the stop
without passing through an affricate stage, as seen in some dialects.
Voiced stops and affricates may also be produced with less tongue
contact and lower pressure, contributing to fricative outcomes, like
the shift from [dʒ] to [ʒ] in Catalan. The process is typically
described as velar softening, though this term is somewhat misleading
since affricates are not necessarily “softer” than stops. Nonetheless,
it effectively captures the combined processes of velar palatalization
and assibilation.
Chapter 3 explores velar palatalization, i.e., how fronting the
closure location of /k/ before front vowels and other contextual
conditions causes velar stops to shift to more anterior articulations,
such as palatal, alveolopalatal, or even alveolar. It discusses the
acoustico-perceptual consequences of this fronting, particularly the
variation in closure location for the resulting (alveolo)palatal
sounds. Section 3.1 examines the presence of [c] in dialects, whether
phonemic or allophonic, and challenges the idea that velar softening
is triggered solely by acoustic equivalence with front lingual
affricates. Section 3.2 highlights the variability of [c]’s
articulation, which can differ within dialects and be perceived
ambiguously as /t/ or /k/, suggesting velar softening is not a sudden
replacement. Section 3.4 posits that velar palatalization may arise
from articulatory strengthening, influenced by factors like word
position, stress, and the surrounding segments.
Chapter 4 examines velar assibilation, focusing on how
(alveolo)palatal stops from velar palatalization can develop into
affricates like [tʃ], [ts], [tɕ], and [tç], with variation in place of
articulation. Over time, these affricates may undergo deaffrication,
transforming into fricatives such as [ʃ] and [s, θ]. Sections 4.1 and
4.2 provide data showing how affricates can naturally emerge from
(alveolo)palatal stops, while Sections 4.3 and 4.4 explore how [c]
typically shifts to affricates like [tʃ] or [ts], especially in
Romance languages. Section 4.5 discusses the acoustic characteristics
that make the [c] burst resemble the frication of a front lingual
affricate, and how contextual factors promote this shift. Section 4.6
investigates whether palatalized /t/ can also become an affricate or
fricative in dialects with velar softening. Finally, Section 4.7 shows
that the type of affricate produced may vary based on the dialect’s
base articulation.
Chapter 5 explores the articulatory motivations behind labial
softening, identifying two glide-strengthening strategies:
occlusivization and fricativization. The implementation of these
strategies depends on the degree of glide constriction and the
aerodynamic demands of labial or labiodental consonants. Dialects may
adopt different strategies, leading to varying degrees of fronting in
the affricate or fricative outcomes, similar to velar softening. The
chapter raises the question of whether labial softening results from
the simplification of complex clusters or from simple palatal stop or
fricative transformations. It also discusses how languages,
particularly Bantu, convert palatalized labials into affricates or
fricatives, with different pathways for glide hardening or
fricativization. The chapter suggests that labial softening follows
various dialect-specific processes, with further research needed to
clarify these intermediate stages and their motivations.
EVALUATION
Recasens’s volume has several advantages. First, the monograph holds
considerable value as a key reference for both historical and
diachronic linguists since it addresses a significant gap in the
existing literature on sound change, particularly in the processes of
palatalization and assibilation, by exploring the phonetic motivations
behind these changes in velar and labial obstruents, as well as the
immediate stages involved. Second, the study draws on a variety of
sources, i.e., historical, dialectal, phonetic, and phonological,
ensuring a comprehensive approach. The data are not only descriptive
but also grounded in experimental research, with a focus on the
articulatory and acoustic causes of sound changes and the
reconstruction of their diachronic pathways. Notably, dialectal data
are often presented in phonetic transcriptions, such as those found in
monographs on Bantu languages and linguistic atlases of Romanian
dialects, particularly concerning the labial softening process. The
study also incorporates articulatory and acoustic data from consonant
production studies and perceptual results derived from phoneme
identification tests.
The third advantage of this volume lies in its wide applicability,
with the claims made universally relevant due to the extensive and
diverse data sources. These sources encompass a large variety of
languages and dialects, not only from Europe but also from other
continents, in which the palatalization and assibilation of velars and
labials have played or continue to play a significant role. With
respect to velars, the data include dialects of Romance languages
spoken primarily in France, Italy, and Switzerland, as well as
non-Romance languages such as Slavic languages, Greek, and Albanian.
For labials, particular attention is given to Romanian and Greek
dialects and to Bantu languages, where the palatalization and
assibilation processes have been especially productive.
Fourth, the study draws on recent experimental production and acoustic
research conducted by the author, as well as articulatory and acoustic
data available in the phonetic literature. Some of the experimental
data on velar palatalization and assibilation presented in the
monograph represent a significant innovation, as they have been
collected using more advanced recording and analytical techniques than
those available in the first half of the twentieth century.
Specifically, the spatio-temporal properties of linguistic sounds can
now be examined with greater precision through contemporary
speech-production methods such as electropalatography and ultrasound.
Additionally, the relative significance of acoustic cues in the
implementation of sound change can be assessed efficiently using
perceptual identification tests with both natural and synthetic speech
stimuli. A comprehensive analysis of this phonetic data enables a more
nuanced understanding of key diachronic developments than earlier
studies, and encourages contemporary scholars to reevaluate certain
past claims regarding the phonetic causes of specific sound changes.
Furthermore, the combined analysis of dialectal and experimental data
offers valuable insights into whether the change from one consonant to
another follows a single evolutionary trajectory or may occur through
multiple developmental paths.
The monograph contains a few limitations beside several strengths. The
primary limitation lies in its use of a dialectological approach,
albeit the study’s focus on linguistic change. This approach primarily
addresses user-related variation, which pertains to geographical
factors such as dialectal differences, but it overlooks use-related
variation, which concerns communication contexts and levels of
formality. Furthermore, the study does not consider intra-speaker
variation. Linguistic variation can be classified in various ways,
often incorporating sociolinguistic factors. Such variation arises not
only from individual characteristics but also from broader
sociocultural influences (Major, 2001). Linguistic variation includes
both user-related and use-related variation, as well as intra-speaker
and inter-speaker variation (Balogné Bérces, 2019). In short, the
author does not take into account the role of sociolinguistic factors,
which may be crucial in explaining the motivations behind sound
change.
Another limitation of the study concerns its research methodology,
specifically the failure to specify the number of participants who
provided the speech data used to obtain phonetic and phonological
insights. This lack of clarity about the sample population compromises
the transparency of the research, thereby diminishing both its
validity and generalizability for future studies within the same
linguistic domain. In sum, owing to these two limitations, the
monograph functions merely as a reference point for historical and
diachronic linguists regarding the phonetic motivations driving sound
changes in velar and labial obstruents, along with the immediate
stages involved, rather than contributing to the generalizability of
subsequent research.
REFERENCES
Balogné Bérces, K. 2019. Fonológiai variáció és generatív nyelvelmélet
[Phonological variation and generative linguistics]. Általános
Nyelvészeti Tanulmányok XXXI, 29–56.
Major, R.C. (2001). Foreign Accent: The Ontogeny and Phylogeny of
Second Language Phonology. New York and London: Psychology Press.
ABOUT THE REVIEWER
Dao Thi Anh Pham is a PhD student in Linguistics at Pázmány Péter
Catholic University in Hungary. Her research interests cover
Phonetics, Phonology, Language Pedagogy, Sociolinguistics, and Second
Language Acquisition. She holds a Master’s degree in Teaching English
to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL). Her research explores how
language is learned and used, with an emphasis on phonological and
sociolinguistic factors in language acquisition and teaching.



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