conference Giuliana Giusti
L. M. Tovena
tovena at LINGUIST.JUSSIEU.FR
Wed Feb 10 10:43:41 UTC 2010
J'ai le plaisir de vous convier à une conférence de
Giuliana GIUSTI
de l'Université Ca' Foscari de Venise
Intitulé de la conférence: "The syntax of the definite article at the
interfaces"
Date: 22 février 2010
Lieu: UFR de Linguistique, 30 rue du Château des Rentiers, 75013. Paris
Métro: Olympiades ou Porte d'Ivry
Salle: 124
Horaire: 17h - 18h30
abstract :
· The well-known Russellian analysis of singular terms as
quantifiers has led the semantic tradition to consider definite
articles on a par with other quantifiers (cf. Russell (1905) and a
recent version of it in Neale (1990)).
· Since the seminal work of Hellan’s (1986) and Abney’s (1987),
definite articles have been shown to be the syntactic realization of
the (highest) head in the functional structure of the noun phrase.
As a direct consequence of these two logically independent but in fact
strictly related fields of research in the syntax and semantics of
noun phrases, definite articles and quantifiers, as well as other
determiners, such as demonstratives (but cf. Campbell 1991),
possessives (cf. Giorgi and Longobardi 1991), pronouns (Postal 1967),
and proper names (cf. Longobardi 1994), are assumed to be merged in
functional heads of nominal projections.
Minimalist inquiry on the nature of functional elements regards them
as the syntactic realization of morphosyntactic features. In (P) we
list some defining properties of functional categories:
(P) a. They display a high degree of cross-linguistic variation (and
micro-variation)
b. They are generally phonologically and/or morphologically
dependent.
c. They are often phonologically null.
d. The condition on thier merging are sytactic in nature.
e. They constitute closed lexical classes.
f. They can be sisters only to one kind of category.
g. They are usually inseparable from their sister projection.
h. They lack substantive content.
And the properties listed in (P) are straightforwardly derived from
the assumption that functional elements are the syntactic realization
of inflectional morphology.
On the evidence provided by independent cases of micro-variation in
Italian dialects, Balkan languages, Scandinavian languages, and
Semitic languages, this paper argues that articles and only articles
among determiners comply with the properties in (P) and must therefore
be considered as the realization of a morphosyntactic feature of
“argumenthood” or (abstract) Case. This is supported by the empirical
generalization (arising from the micro-variation cases under
consideration) that only articles can surface as dummy elements, or
appear in single vs. multiple occurrences, or can be phonologically
null, while all other determiners do not display these properties and
are in all respects “lexical” categories.
This conclusion runs only apparently counter the Russellian tradition.
It was not Russell’s original standpoint to make the claim that all
instances of definite articles are instances of quantifiers, as Russel
(1944:690) himself recognizes “the Theory of Descriptions does not
apply to such sentences as ‘the whale is a mammal’. For this the blame
lies on the English language, in which the word ‘the’ is capable of
various different meanings”. Of this apparent flaw in Russell’s
theory, Longobardi (1994) provides a convincing explanation by means
of the assumption of the merging of an“expletive” article in generic
noun phrases.
This paper claims that the morphemes often identified as definite
articles are nothing but the realization of a copy nominal phi-
features incorporated in a bundle which also includes Case. They are
therefore relevant at the syntax-phonology interface. Other
determiners, such as demonstratives, possessives, quantifiers, on the
ontrary, have semantic content and are not just bundle of
interpretable and uninterpretable features in the head of the nominal
functional projection. For this reason they are interpreted as
autonomous lexical items at the syntax-semantic interface.
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