Araaiþei aflaiþ

Fri Jun 16 09:25:50 UTC 2006

Hails Llama Nom!

Thanks for a thorough comment! While thinking on it may I ask if the 
following constructions could be possible, in your opinion, in 
Gothic: blinds augam (< ON), but ga-blindiths augona [seina] (Acc.) 
gazda (Dat. Instr.) – "one whose eyes have been stung out with a 
barb" (as some archaic punishment)? The same about daufs ausam / 
gadaubiths ausona; dumbs tuggon (Dat.) / *gadumbiths tuggon seina -
 ? I mean could they be possible in "Gothic" Gothic and not as a 
calque from the Vorlage? Maybe it's a kind of a rule that you have 
dative after a simple adjective and accusative after a participle 
passive? Is the adjacent instrumental object of any effect for the 
choice of cases (e.g. gadumbiths tuggon seinai (Dat.), but 
gadumbiths tuggon seina (Acc.) hairau (Dat. Instr.)) - ?
That OHG parallel (Tatian 135:26 gibuntan hanton inti fuozin mit 
strengin inti sin annuzi mit sweizduohu gibuntan) you adduce – could 
it be a translation from Gothic (it looks so similar). Did someone 
find evidence that the Wulfilan Bible was also being used outside 
the Gothic realms and influenced somehow other early Germanic 
versions? Hanton inti fuozin – is it not dative?

> I'm not aware of any cognates to ON 'vængr', but thinking about it
> now, it occurs to me that this might actually be a contraction of 
some
> root with the ending -ingr.  Could it be connected with the Gothic
> verb 'waian' "to blow"?  Go. *wai(j)iggs, Proto-Norse *wa:ing-?  
The
> only complication there is that the ON word is an i-stem, but maybe
> that was a later development inspired by the mutated vowel.

It looks very probable. Could this derivation have arisen from the 
myth in Vafþrúðnismál 37:
"Hræsvelgr heitir, 
er sitr á himins enda, 
jötunn í arnar ham; 
af hans vængjum 
kvæða vind koma 
alla menn yfir"
where vængir are literally "things that produce winds", "blowers", 
so *waijiggos would be quite to the point.

Ualarauans

--- In gothic-l at yahoogroups.com, "llama_nom" <600cell at ...> wrote:
>
> 
> Hails Walhahrabn!
> 
> 'gaskokai fotum' is especially interesting because it differs from 
the
> accusative of the Greek: TOUS PODAS.  Sturtevant (1938) compared 
this
> with other Germanic examples of a "dative of respect", ON blindr 
augum
> "blind in the eyes"; fríðr sýnum "fair to look at"; OE giddum fród
> "wise concerning songs".  But he also argued that 'bundans handuns 
jah
> fotuns' was a native Germanic construction and not just an 
imitation
> of Greek; he calls it an "accusative of manner" and cites ON Egill 
var
> bundinn við staf ein, bæði hendr ok foetr (Sturtevant 1948).  This
> isn't decisive evidence, as 'hendr' and 'foetr' each have the same
> form as the nominative here, and were so regarded by Nygaard (1906
> para. 74, fn. 4).
> 
> Your suggestion that an unstated verb 'habands' might lie behind 
such
> constructions with the accusative could explain: gawasiþs taglam
> ulbandaus jah gairda filleina bi hup seinana (Mk 1:6), also acc. in
> Greek ZWNHN.
> 
> Your suggestion that an unstated preposition might lie behind them 
is
> interesting in the light of: eisarnam bi fotuns gabuganaim = PEDAIS
> "with fetters" (Mk 5:4) = fotubandjom (L 8:29).
> 
> Streitberg (para. 244) saw 'wlits is auralja bibundans' as a
> nominative absolute.  So did Gering, who pointed out the parallel 
of
> OHG: gibuntan hanton inti fuozin mit strengin inti sin annuzi mit
> sweizduohu gibuntan (Tatian 135:26).  According to Lücke there are 
no
> other examples of 'was' missing from the passive like this, and
> several scholars have suggested that 'was' was simply left out by
> accident by the scribe: Massmann, Schulze, Köhler, H Rückert (and
> maybe Grimm, who also considered the nominative absolute 
possible). 
> This would accord with the usual Gothic practice, as well as the 
Latin
> translations of PERIEDEDETO: facies...erat ligatus (Vulgate);
> vultus...erat objunctus (Codex Bezae).  Metlen too suggested a 
scribal
> error; he thought that "the Gothic writer, with the appositive
> gabundans still in mind, unwittingly construed also 'bibundans' the
> same way" (Metlen 1938).
> 
> On the other hand, there are examples where Gothic immitates Greek 
in
> elliding the copular, e.g. þata andwairþo hveilahvairb (2Cor 4:17);
> witoþ weihata jah anabusns weiha... (Rom 7:12).  Though uncommon in
> Germanic, it's not completely unknown, cf. Hymiskviða (Old Norse): 
ok
> sumblsamir "and [they were] desirous of ale" (st. 1); óteir jötunn
> "the giant [was] not happy" (st. 25), [
> http://www.hi.is/~eybjorn/ugm/hymir/hymis.html ].
> 
> Another Old Norse example which might be relevant here: hann átti 
tvá
> sonu...vænir menn "he had two sons [accusative]...fine looking men
> [nominative]."  Sturtevant (1948) calls this anacoluthon.
> 
> I'm not aware of any cognates to ON 'vængr', but thinking about it
> now, it occurs to me that this might actually be a contraction of 
some
> root with the ending -ingr.  Could it be connected with the Gothic
> verb 'waian' "to blow"?  Go. *wai(j)iggs, Proto-Norse *wa:ing-?  
The
> only complication there is that the ON word is an i-stem, but maybe
> that was a later development inspired by the mutated vowel.  
Regarding
> alternative, þlugil- / flugil-, a masculine a-stem would match the
> German word, but my speculations about a weak ending were 
triggered by
> personal names in -ila corresponding to *-ilaz in other Germanic
> languages, e.g. Agila = ON Egill.
> 
> Llama Nom
> 
> 
> Sturtevant (1932) 'Gothic notes', The American Journal of Philology
> 53:1, 53-60.
> Sturtevant (1948) 'Old Norse syntactical notes', PMLA 63:2, 712-
717.
> Metlen (1938) 'Absolute constuctions in the Gothic bible', PMLA 
53:3,
> 631-644.
> Nygaard (1906) Norrøn syntax.

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