17.1057, Review: Syntax: Kayne (2005)

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Subject: 17.1057, Review: Syntax: Kayne (2005)

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Date: 04-Apr-2006
From: Vivienne Rogers < Vivienne.Rogers at newcastle.ac.uk >
Subject: Movement & Silence 

-------------------------Message 1 ---------------------------------- 
Date: Sat, 08 Apr 2006 14:46:51
From: Vivienne Rogers < Vivienne.Rogers at newcastle.ac.uk >
Subject: Movement & Silence 

Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/16/16-2454.html 

AUTHOR: Kayne, Richard
TITLE: Movement and Silence
SERIES: Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax
PUBLISHER: Oxford University Press
YEAR: 2005

Vivienne Rogers, PhD Student, Department of French, University of 
Newcastle, UK


This collection of twelve articles brings together a number of Kayne's 
recent publications in one volume. As the title suggests the focus of 
this collection is on remnant movement and silent elements, 
particularly nouns and adjectives.  Kayne uses a comparative 
approach, focusing principally on French and English but also 
includes discussion of Irish, Italian and Japanese.

Chapter one ''New Thoughts on Stylistic Inversion'' is co-written with 
Jean-Yves Pollock and deals with Stylistic Inversion (SI) or as the 
authors prefer ''non-clitic subject related inversion''. SI is the 
phenomena in French when the subject follows the verb, for example 
(Kayne & Pollock's (47) p.15 and (59) p. 28)

1. le jour où a téléphoné Jean ('the day when has telephoned J')
2. Il faut que parte Jean. ('it is-necessary that leave J')

Kayne & Pollock show that this is constrained to third person 
sentences with a lexical subject only and argue that these contain a 
silent preverbal clitic. The authors suggest that the lexical subject 
starts out as the specifier of a larger DP containing the silent clitic.  
When the lexical subject moves out of the spec-IP position to spec-FP 
it leaves behind the silent clitic. IP moves past the spec FP to another 
projection they call GP. So (1) would derive as follows (Kayne & 
Pollock's (48) p. 15) where SCL stands for Silent Clitic, and '':'' 
separates an index from the term it indexes.

[IP Jean-SCL a téléphoné]
[FP Jean:i F [IP t:i -SCL a téléphoné] ]
[GP [IP t:i -SCL a téléphoné]j G [FP Jean:i F t:j] ]

The second article in this collection ''On the Left Edge'' is a reply to 
McCloskey (1999), who argues for ''a class of rightward movements 
applying in the derivation of phonological form (PF) representations'' 
(p. 50). Kayne argues against this hypothesis by using English 
counterparts to McCloskey's Irish data.

3. Even if we left, he would stay.
4. *If we left even, he would stay. Grammatical Irish equivalent

Kayne argues that this data can be accounted for using Heavy-NP 
shift and a split CP projection.  The Heavy-NP moves to a position 
within CP but higher than the interrogative before the predicate 
phrase is preposed. Kayne argues that this is supported cross-
linguistically as Amharic has a similar structure in 'if' clauses.

The third article is a review of Paola Benincà's volume on 'La 
variazione sintattica'. This collection of work comprises eleven articles, 
all but one new article, have been previously published in the 
preceding twenty years. Kayne divides his review into three sections. 
The first is a brief section on the background to studying dialect 
syntax.  The second and third sections mirror the two sections of 
Benincà's volume: 'Subject clitics and null subjects' and 'Diachronic 
syntax'. The former section focuses on modern Italian dialects and the 
latter on medieval dialects.  In these two sections, Kayne reviews each 
of the articles presented. He concludes that Benincà has ''brought 
together, enriching both considerably, syntactic theory and dialect 
syntax more generally'' (p. 64).

The fourth article titled ''Here and There'' and deals with 
demonstrative there/here. He argues that demonstrative 'there' is not 
a case of locative 'there' in reduced relative clauses (p. 67). Rather 
locative 'there' is the same as demonstrative 'there' but with an 
unrealized noun (PLACE) and determiner. Non-locative 'there' follows 
the same rule but with an unrealized noun (THING) instead of PLACE, 
both of which ''must be licensed by a locative adposition'' (p. 76). 
Examples are Kayne's (1), (2) and (3b) p. 65.

5. John lives there.  LOCATIVE
6. John spoke thereof.  NON-LOCATIVE
7. that there book, them there books DEMONSTRATIVE

Kayne uses evidence from Italian 'a/ci' to support a locative and not 
dative adposition.

The fifth article ''Prepositions as Probes'' argues that some pre- and 
postpositions (specifically French 'à') are probes in the Chomsky 
(2004) sense (p.85). Using data from French causatives and subject-
preceding dative prepositions (à), Kayne argues that these are not 
ordinary prepositional phrases, nor are the causatives instances of 
control but rather sentences like (8) below (Kayne's (12) p. 87) are 
due to raising or ECM (p. 92). 

8. J'ai fait manger la tarte à Jean. ('I have made/had eat the pie to 

Kayne argues that 'à' is a functional head above the causative and 
that 'Jean' in example (8) starts as the subject of the infinitive 'manger' 
(p.98). He also argues for a link between French causatives and 
English double object constructions. 

The sixth article ''Pronouns and Their Antecedents'' argues 
that ''Binding should be rethought in movement terms even more 
generally, including what we think of as Condition C effects'' (p. 105). 
Kayne argues against Lasnik's (1976) 'accidental coreference' for 
reflexives by demonstrating that all examples of co-reference are the 
result of movement.

The seventh article is titled ''On Some Prepositions that look DP-
Internal: English 'of' and French 'de'''. Kayne proposes that 
prepositions can merge outside the VP in sentences like (9) and (10). 
He argues that there is no need for a 'readjustment' rule as per 
Chomsky (1977). 

9. John has lots of money.
10. Jean a beaucoup d'argent.

Kayne suggests that 'lots of money' or 'beaucoup d'argent' are not 
constituents (p. 139). Kayne uses arguments from Case theory to 
support this contention. He suggests that Case is limited to lexical 
items within the DP (p. 142) and that there are unpronounced 
elements such as AMOUNT or NUMBER in French and English to 
account for this. 

The eighth article, titled ''A Note on the Syntax of Quantity in English,'' 
expands upon the arguments given in the previous chapter 
on 'few', 'little', 'many' and 'much'. He argues that 'few', 'little', 'many' 
and 'much' are adjectival modifiers, which modify an unpronounced 
element, for example 'few' and 'little' modify NUMBER and 'many' 
or 'much' modify AMOUNT and not the noun which follows them.  
Therefore in the sentence given in (11) the DP would have the 
underlying structure of (12) (Kayne's examples (36) and (39) p. 180).

11. John has few books.
12. few NUMBER books

Kayne argues that NUMBER can optionally be either singular or non-
singular but not plural. When NUMBER is singular, 'few' is then 
realised as 'a few' in a similar way to 'a small' in the sentence below 
(p. 190, ex 110).

13. A small number of linguists went to that conference.

However, Kayne develops this argument by claiming that when 
NUMBER is singular it requires another adjective (GOOD) to modify it 
in addition to 'few'. This adjective does not have to be pronounced 
(examples (136) and (137)).

14. John has a good few books.
15. John has a GOOD few NUMBER(sing.) books.

The ninth article is called ''Antisymmetry and Japanese.'' Kayne's 
starting hypothesis is that all languages have the syntactic structure 
Specifier-Head-Complement (p.215). He argues that OV word order is 
derived by movement of the Complement to a higher Specifier position 
above V. Kayne argues that 'Antisymmetry' affects many areas of 
Japanese syntax; including the position of objects, relative pronouns 
and head finality. Kayne suggests that while Japanese does not 
possess relative pronouns, an antisymmetrical account for their 
absence is possible (p. 218). Kayne also notes in terms of head 
finality that languages are not consistently head-final or head-initial 
and follows Kroch (2001) in his analysis. Kayne argues that Japanese 
particles 'wa' and 'ga' might actually be head-initial (p.220). Kayne 
supports his arguments for 'Antisymmetry' by discussion of a variety of 
cross-linguistic gaps, including serial verbs, adverbs, heavy NPs and 

The tenth article ''Silent Years, Silent Hours'' continues Kayne's 
previous discussion of silent elements, for example NUMBER and 
AMOUNT. In this article he extends this analysis to COLOR, YEAR, 
AGE, HOUR and TIME. Kayne argues that when giving an age there 
is a silent element YEAR, which excludes interpretations of MONTHS, 
WEEKS or DAYS. For example, in the sentence (16) below, it clearly 
has the meaning given in (17). Examples are Kayne's (24) and (28).

16. John is three.
17. is three YEARS

Kayne later argues that YEARS is actually YEAR based on 
comparative data from French and Italian. He claims that ''silent YEAR 
is possible ... in a given language only if in that language either pre-
nominal adjectives or overt pre-nominal classifier without (the 
equivalent of) 'of' can be unaccompanied by a plural morpheme'' (p. 
254-255). He concludes this chapter by suggesting that ''this type of 
silent element may turn out to constitute a more important probe into 
UG than might have been thought (p. 260).

The eleventh article ''Some Remarks on Agreement and Heavy NP 
Shift'' deals with a variety of English that allows for verbal agreement 
with another argument than the subject. This was first reported by 
Kimball & Aissen (1971).

18. The people who John think should be invited.

Kayne suggests that this is not common cross-linguistically and 
therefore any account should not over-generate instances of this 
structure. Kayne argues that in such sentences there is 
an ''unpronounced auxiliary'' that John, in (1), agrees with and the wh-
phrase agrees with 'think' (p. 264). Kayne argues that in this variety of 
English the wh-phrase moves through the VP and that agreement 
becomes obligatory.  This could account for the difference 
with 'standard' English, which does not allow this kind of wh-phrase 
movement (p. 267-8).

In this chapter, Kayne also discusses 'Heavy-NP Shift'. He argues that 
Heavy-NP shift is actually a case of leftward movement but is only 
available in those VO languages that do not have ''its D DP final'' 
(p.273) as Haitian and Gun or lack of initial D as in Chinese (p.274). 
Kayne notes that Chinese must have an unpronounced D but 
surmises that this ''must be 'final' in the sense of Haitian and Gun D'' 
(footnote 33 p. 274).

The final article ''Some Notes on Comparative Syntax: With Special 
Reference to English and French'' is a defence of the comparative 
approach. Kayne argues that comparative syntax is necessary to 
discover parametric differences between languages and to use these 
to gain insight on language universals. Kayne discusses what is meant 
by the term 'parameter' and argues for the importance of 
microparameter and macroparameter studies. He suggests that the 
former ''is the closest we can come, at the present time, to a controlled 
experiment in comparative syntax'' (p.282) as small differences can be 
examined to see what other syntactic properties cluster. Kayne 
provides more data on pronounced and unpronounced elements (e.g. 
French -aine vs. English -AINE with numbers, French 'de' and English 
OF). Kayne concludes this article, and this book with the 
following: ''Comparative syntax has become an indispensable, if not 
privileged, part of our attempt to understand the (syntactic component 
of the) human language faculty'' (p.333).


This collection of articles is clearly aimed at other syntacticians. 
Kayne's arguments are very carefully and logically presented, moving 
from one step to the next before reaching often quite surprising 
conclusions. Kayne draws on information from a variety of different 
languages to support his cross-linguistic comparative approach and 
argues that this is crucial to a better understanding of the human 
language faculty.
The articles in this book go into considerable detail about the syntactic 
phenomenon under investigation. It has not been possible in this 
review to examine many of the arguments given but hopefully a 
flavour of each chapter's content has been provided.


Benincà, P. (1994) ''La variazione sintattica: Studia di dialettologica 
italiana.'' Quaderni patavini di lingüística. Monografie 3. Unipress, 

Chomsky, N. (1977) ''On wh-movement,'' in P. W. Culicover, T. 
Wasow, and A. Akmajian (eds.) 'Formal Syntax.' Academic Press, New 
York, pgs 71-132.

Chomsky, N. (2004) ''Beyond Explanatory Adequacy,'' in A. Belletti 
(ed.) 'Structures and Beyond.' Oxford University Press, New York, pgs 

Kimball, J. & J. Aissen (1971) ''I think, You think, He think,'' Linguistic 
Inquiry 2: 242-246.

Kroch, A. S. (2001) ''Syntactic Change,'' in M. Baltin and C. Collins 
(eds.) 'The Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory'. Blackwell, 
Malden, MA, pgs 699-729.

Lasnik, H. (1976) ''Remarks on Coreference,'' Linguistic Analysis 2:1-

McCloskey, J. (1999) ''On the Right Edge in Irish,'' Syntax: 189-209. 


I am a first year PhD student at University of Newcastle. My PhD deals 
with the syntactic development of English learners of French in an 
instructed environment.  The study is cross-sectional and will look at 
students after one, four and seven years of instruction. French and 
English exemplify parametric variation in terms of verb-raising. French 
allows finite verbs to raise and English does not. Specifically I elicit 
production data on negation, adverb placement, subject and object 
clitics to provide evidence of (or lack of) parameter re-setting. My 
study will test a variety of hypotheses on Initial State and parameter re-
setting over time.


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Priberam Informática 
Simon Fraser University 
Stanford University 
Swarthmore College 
SYSTRAN Software Inc. 
Szanca Solutions, Inc. 
Thomson Legal & Regulatory 
Tufts University 
Universitaet Konstanz 
Universitaet Leipzig 
University of Alberta 
University of British Columbia 
University of Calgary 
University of Cambridge 
University of Chicago 
University of Cincinnati 
University of Cyprus 
University of Edinburgh 
University of Florida 
University of Fribourg, Suisse 
University of Geneva - ETI 
University of Goettingen 
University of Hamburg 
University of Heidelberg 
University of Helsinki 
University of Illinois 
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (UIUC) 
University of Konstanz 
University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban 
University of Leipzig 
University of Maryland 
University of Maryland, College Park 
University of Melbourne 
University of Michigan 
University of Oregon 
University of Oslo 
University of Pittsburgh 
University of Potsdam 
University of Reading 
University of Rochester 
University of Southampton 
University of Southern Denmark 
University of Stuttgart 
University of Texas at Austin 
University of Victoria 
Universität Tübingen 
Université de Neuchâtel 
Université du Québec à Montréal 
Voice Signal Technologies 
Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam

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