19.3430, Diss: Disc Analysis/Semantics/Syntax: Averintseva-Klisch: 'Rechte ...'

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LINGUIST List: Vol-19-3430. Mon Nov 10 2008. ISSN: 1068 - 4875.

Subject: 19.3430, Diss: Disc Analysis/Semantics/Syntax: Averintseva-Klisch: 'Rechte ...'

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1)
Date: 10-Nov-2008
From: Maria Averintseva-Klisch < maria.averintseva at uni-tuebingen.de >
Subject: Rechte Satzperipherie im Diskurs: NP-Rechtsversetzung im Deutschen (Right Sentence Periphery in Discourse: NP right dislocation in German)

 

	
-------------------------Message 1 ---------------------------------- 
Date: Mon, 10 Nov 2008 11:57:09
From: Maria Averintseva-Klisch [maria.averintseva at uni-tuebingen.de]
Subject: Rechte Satzperipherie im Diskurs: NP-Rechtsversetzung im Deutschen (Right Sentence Periphery in Discourse: NP right dislocation in German)

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Institution: Universität Tübingen 
Program: German Department (Deutsches Seminar) 
Dissertation Status: Completed 
Degree Date: 2008 

Author: Maria Averintseva-Klisch

Dissertation Title: Rechte Satzperipherie im Diskurs: NP-Rechtsversetzung im
Deutschen (Right Sentence Periphery in Discourse: NP right
dislocation in German) 

Linguistic Field(s): Discourse Analysis
                     Pragmatics
                     Semantics
                     Syntax


Dissertation Director(s):
Marga Reis
Claudia Maienborn

Dissertation Abstract:

This dissertation considers NP right dislocation in German
('Rechtsversetzung'). I show that German has two superficially similar but
formally and functionally distinct constructions, right dislocation proper
(RD) and afterthought (AT). AT is a separate prosodic as well as syntactic
unit which is added to repair a potentially insufficient reference. RD is
formally integrated into its host sentence, and serves as an explicit
signal to activate the referent of the RD-NP, thus marking this referent as
the current discourse topic. Hence, only RD is strictly speaking an
instance of the syntax-discourse interface, whilst AT is a processing
phenomenon. I provide a semantic analysis for both constructions reflecting
their formal properties and their usage. As a result, a differentiated
picture of the discourse functions of the right sentence periphery emerges:
It is conceived of as the last resort for local repair strategies on the
one hand, and, on the other hand, a position predestined for hosting
constituents topical beyond the limits of a single sentence. 






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