[SEELANGS] The world's intellectual elite appeals not to turn back on Ukraine

Tue Jan 28 08:03:23 UTC 2014

Here is also  important: 
http://eajc.org/page16/news42895.html  
Best regards 

--- Оригінальне повідомлення --- 
Від кого: Alexander Polunov < apolunov at MAIL.RU > 
Дата: 26 січня 2014, 20:33:20 

The No. 2 of the Ukrainian Freedom party allegedly played on the Maidan stage the part of a Kike who bribe and buy everybody 

http://izrus.co.il/diasporaIL/article/2014-01-20/23384.html   

Воскресенье, 26 января 2014, 12:41 -05:00 от "Oleh Kotsyuba (Harvard Univ)" < kotsyuba at FAS.HARVARD.EDU >: 
Please read the following article by Anton Shekhovtsov who works on the Ukrainian far right movement: 
http://anton-shekhovtsov.blogspot.co.at/2014/01/what-west-should-know-about-euromaidans.html 
Many in the West, are asking questions about the involvement of the Ukrainian ultranationalists in the Euromaidan protests in Kyiv. Some allegedly left-wing web-sites, such as the World Socialist Web Site, publish  blatant lies  about the Euromaidan protests and the role that the far right is playing in them. These web-sites are trying to appease Russian imperialists who are doing everything they can to deprive Ukraine of its already weakened independence. 

At the moment, there are two things that the West should understand about the Ukrainian ultranationalists in the context of Euromaidan. 

1. As I wrote before, in the article " The Ukrainian revolution is European and national ", Euromaidan is,  among other things , a national revolution against the Kremlin's imperialism and a nationalist uprising against Russia's destructive influence on Ukraine. The major share of support for the Ukrainian far right comes from those citizens who do not share far right views but urge for Ukraine's true independence. This means that it will only be possible to neutralise the far right  after  Ukraine gains national independence. The far right is being fuelled by the constant threat to the Ukrainian statehood rather than the alleged growth of extreme right views in the Ukrainian society. As Roger Griffin wrote in his  Modernism and Fascism , the rise of fascism may occur, in particular, due to  "occupation, colonization, or acts of aggression inflicted on [a society] by other societies" (p. 104). Thus, a fight against fascism in Ukraine should always be synonymous with the fight ag
 ainst the attempts to colonise the country. Those who separate these two issues or crack down on the Ukrainian far right without recognising the urgent need for national independence will never be successful in their attempts to neutralise the far right. Moreover, they can make the situation worse. 

Ultranationalist and anarchist symbols side by side on the battlefield 2. While the Ukrainian far right has indeed endorsed and used violence against Viktor Yanukovych's corrupt authoritarian regime and the brutal police who  abuse and torture protesters , they are not the only violent force of Euromaidan. They are joined by many Ukrainian left-wingers and democrats who have become radicalised as a result of the lack of progress of non-violent resistance to the country's slipping into an outright dicatorship. The majority of the protesters who take to Kyiv's dead cold streets are tired of Yanukovych's cynical disregard of their demands and outraged about the police brutality. Their radicalisation is a sad response to the regime's policies and actions which gave an impetus to a non-aggression pact between the Ukrainian far left and far right who are now on the same side of the barricades. Those commentators who associate violence at Euromaidan exclusively with the far right are downp
 laying the causes of the radicalisation of the Euromaidan protests and - willingly or unwillingly - exonerating Yanukovych's authoritarian regime. 

On Jan 26, 2014, at 1:29 AM, Alexander Polunov < apolunov at MAIL.RU > wrote: 
In 2012, Oleg Tyagnibok was included by the Simon Wiesenthal Center in the list of 20 most dangerous world ani-semines 

http://korrespondent.net/ukraine/politics/1447395 

Суббота, 25 января 2014, 13:39 -05:00 от "Oleh Kotsyuba (Harvard Univ)" < kotsyuba at FAS.HARVARD.EDU >: 
Dear colleagues, 
For your information appeal of the international intellectual elite re. the events in Ukraine. 
Very best, Oleh Kotsyuba 

http://krytyka.com/ua/articles/maybutnie-ukrayiny 
The Future of Ukraine The future of Ukraine depends most of all on the Ukrainians themselves. They defended their democracy and future 10 years ago, during the Orange Revolution, and are standing up for those values again today. As Europeans grow disenchanted with the idea of a common Europe, people in Ukraine are fighting for that idea and for their country's place in Europe. Defending Ukraine from the authoritarian temptations of its corrupt leaders is in the interests of the democratic world. We cannot afford to turn our back on Ukraine. The new authoritarians in Kyiv should know that there will be a high price to pay for their repressive policies and for abandoning the European aspirations of the people. It is not too late for us to change things for the better and prevent Ukraine from becoming a dictatorship. Passivity in the face of the authoritarian turn in Ukraine and the country's reintegration into a newly expanding Russian imperial sphere of interests pose a threat to the 
 European Union’s integrity. It is a threat not just to the moral integrity of the Union but possibly to its internal institutional integrity as well. Alongside the diplomatic and economic measures taken by individual states and the entire EU, independent democratic initiatives should make efforts to defend victims of repression, support civil society and strengthen independent media. The quality of any democracy depends to a great extent on what its citizens know about their country and the world. In Ukraine, the picture of the world is shaped by the authorities, who control most of the mass media, and Russian television channels faithful to President Putin. For the sake of democracy, we must support and strengthen independent and pluralistic media in Ukraine. We must help strengthen civil society, especially the new initiatives that have arisen around the Maidan. No matter what the authorities say, the people fighting to keep their country's future open are not foreign agents –
  the only ones deserving that name are those pursuing a policy of mass repression to quash Ukraine's hopes of becoming a European democracy. The letter has been signed by: Andrew Arato, Professor of Political and Social Theory, New School for Social Research, United States Shlomo Avineri, Professor of Political Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel 
Lluís Bassets, Deputy Director, El País, Spain 
Zygmunt Bauman, Professor of Sociology, University of Leeds, United Kingdom 
Gianni Bonvicini, Director of the Institute of International Affairs, Italy 
José Casanova, Professor of Sociology, Georgetown University, United States 
Bogusław Chrabota, Editor-In-Chief of Rzeczpospolita daily, Poland 
Aleš Debeljak, Poet and Cultural Critic, Slovenia 
Tibor Dessewffy, President of the DEMOS Hungary 
Uffe Ellemann-Jensen, former Foreign Minister, Chairman of the Baltic Development Forum, Denmark 
Ute Frevert, Director of the Center for the History of Emotions at the Max Planck Institute for Human Development, Germany 
Paolo Flores d'Arcais, Philosopher and Journalist, Editor of MicroMega magazine, Italy 
Timothy Garton Ash,  Professor of European Studies, Oxford University, United Kingdom 
Carlos Gaspar, Chairman of the Portuguese Institute of International Relations (IPRI), Portugal 
Carl Gershman, President of the National Endowment for Democracy, United States 
André Glucksmann, Philosopher and Writer, France 
Jeff Goldfarb, Professor of Sociology, New School for Social Research, United States 
Charles Grant, Director of the Centre for European Reform, United Kingdom 
Andrea Graziosi, Professor of History, University of Naples Federico II, Italy 
Tomáš Halík, Professor of Sociology, Charles University Prague, Czech Republic 
Pierre Hassner, Director of the Fondation nationale des sciences politiques, France 
Agnieszka Holland, Film Director and Screenwriter, Poland 
William Hunt, Professor of History, St. Lawrence University, United States 
Suat Kiniklioglu, Executive Director of the Centre for Strategic Communication, Turkey 
Ira Katznelson, Professor of Political Science and History, Columbia University, United States 
János Kis, Professor of Philosophy and Political Science, Central European University, Hungary 
Zenon E. Kohut, Professor of History, Peter Jacyk Centre for Ukrainian Research, University of Alberta, Canada 
David Koranyi, Diplomat, Former Undersecretary of State, Deputy Director Dinu Patriciu Eurasia Center, Hungary-United States 
Bernard Kouchner, Former Foreign Minister, France 
Ivan Krastev, Chairman, Centre for Liberal Strategies, Bulgaria 
Marcin Król, Professor of History of Ideas, Warsaw University, Poland 
Mark Leonard, Director of the European Council on Foreign Relations, United Kingdom 
Sonja Licht, President of Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence, Serbia 
Tomasz Lis, Editor-In-Chief of Newsweek Polska weekly , Poland 
Adam Michnik, Editor-In-Chief of Gazeta Wyborcza daily, Poland 
Marie Mendras, Directeur de recherche, the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), France 
Dominique Moïsi, Conseiller spécial de Institut français de relations internationales (l'IFRI), France 
Alexander J. Motyl, Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University-Newark, United States 
Piotr Mucharski, Editor-In-Chief of Tygodnik Powszechny weekly, Poland 
Aryeh Neier, President Emeritus of the Open Society Foundations, United States 
Kalypso Nicolaïdis, Professor of International Relations, University of Oxford, United Kingdom 
Ton Nijhuis, Director of the Duitsland Instituut, The Netherlands 
Zbigniew Nosowski, Editor-In-Chief of Więź magazine, Poland 
Claus Offe, Professor of Political Sociology, Hertie School of Governance, Germany 
Andrzej Olechowski, Former Foreign Minister, Poland 
Monika Olejnik, Journalist, Poland 
Andrés Ortega, Author and Journalist, Former Director of Policy Planning, Office of the Spanish Prime Minister, Spain 
Ana Palacio, Former Foreign Minister, Former Vice President and General Counsel of the World Bank Group, Spain 
Šimon Pánek, Director of the People In Need, Czech Republic 
Anton Pelinka, Professor of Political Science, Central European University, Austria-Hungary 
Víctor Pérez-Díaz, President of Analistas Socio-Políticos (ASP),  Spain 
Marc F. Plattner, Editor, Journal of Democracy, United States 
Ruprecht Polenz, Former Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the German Bundestag, Germany 
Adam Pomorski, President of the Polish PEN Club, Poland 
László Rajk jr., Architect, Designer and Political Activist, Hungary 
Joachim Rogall, Executive Director of the Robert Bosch Stiftung, Germany 
Adam Daniel Rotfeld , Former Foreign Minister, Poland 
Jacques Rupnik, Directeur de recherche, Sciences Po, France 
Saskia Sassen, Professor of Sociology, Columbia University, United States 
Gesine Schwan, President of the Humboldt-Viadrina School of Governance, Germany 
Richard Sennett, Professor of Sociology New York University, United States 
Narcis Serra, President of the Institut Barcelona d'Estudis Internacionals, Spain 
Martin M. Šimečka, Journalist, Editor of Respekt weekly,  Czech Republic 
Sławomir Sierakowski, Director of the Institute for Advanced Study, Poland 
Aleksander Smolar, Chairman of the Board, Stefan Batory Foundation, Poland 
Timothy Snyder, Professor of History, Yale University,  United States 
Andrzej Stasiuk, Writer, Poland 
Fritz Stern, Professor of History, Columbia University,  United States 
Frank E. Sysyn, Director of the Peter Jacyk Centre for Ukrainian Research, University of Alberta, Canada 
Jerzy Szacki, Professor of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Poland 
Monika Sznajderman, Publisher, Publishing House Czarne, Poland 
Roman Szporluk, Professor of Ukrainian History, Harvard University, United States 
Paweł Świeboda, President of demosEUROPA – Centre for European Strategy, Poland 
Paul Thibaud, Philosopher and Writer, France 
Nathalie Tocci, Deputy Director of the Institute of International Affairs, Italy 
Jordi Vaquer, Director of the Open Society Initiative for Europe, Spain 
Tomas Venclova, Poet and Writer, Yale University, Lithuania-United States 
António Vitorino, former European Commissioner, President of Notre Europe-Institut Jacques Delors, Portugal-France 
George Weigel, Writer, Ethics and Public Policy Center, United States 
Michel Wieviorka, Directeur d’études,  École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, d'études, France 
Adam Zagajewski, Poet and Essayist, University of Chicago, Poland 
Jacek Żakowski, Columnist,  Polityka weekly , Poland 
Slavoj Žižek, Director of the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities, University of London, Slovenia-United Kingdom - See more at: http://krytyka.com/ua/articles/maybutnie-ukrayiny#sthash.FUWDRg5m.dpuf 

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Alexander Polunov 
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Alexander Polunov 
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