victor steinbok aardvark66 at GMAIL.COM
Wed May 18 19:30:29 UTC 2011

More Jstor goodies (by no means exhaustive):

General-Purpose Aid in New York State: Targeting Issues and Measures
Paul D. Moore
Vol. 19, No. 2, Targeting by the States: The Basic Issues (Spring, 1989),
pp. 17-31
Published by: Oxford University Press
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3330437
p. 24

> Besides the competition inherent between the Republican controlled
> Senate and the Democratic controlled Assembly, there was also an "upstate
> versus downstate" competition. The Democrats currently hold a 93 to 57
> majority in the Assembly, while the Republicans have a 35 to 26 majority in
> the Senate. Yet of their respective majorities, 62 percent of the Democrats
> in the Assembly represent New York City, while 86 percent of the
> Republicans in the Senate represent upstate or suburban interests

Effects on Risk Perception of Media Coverage of a Black Bear-Related Human
Meredith L. Gore, William F. Siemer, James E. Shanahan, Dietram Schuefele
and Daniel J. Decker
Wildlife Society Bulletin
Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer, 2005), pp. 507-516
Published by: Allen Press
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3785078
p. 510

> Our 5 strata were  1) the Allegany bear hunting zone,  2)  the
> Adirondack bear  hunting  zone,  3)  the  Catskill bear  hunting zone,  4)
>  all upstate  New York regions  outside  the three  bear  hunting  zones,
>  and  5)  the  downstate counties  of  Rockland and Westchester (Figure
>  1). New  York City  and  Long  Island  residents  were excluded  because
>  these  areas do not  have and are not expected to have resident bear
> populations.

The following article only mentions Upstate NY and Downstate IL (both in
graphics captions).

Foster Care in New York and Illinois: The Challenge of Rapid Change
Fred H. Wulczyn and Robert M. Goerge
The Social Service Review
Vol. 66, No. 2 (Jun., 1992), pp. 278-294
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30012166

The following article talks about "downstate" politics in IL, specifically
identifying some area and some politicians associated with those areas, but
without defining "downstate" in general. Overall, it seems to contrast
"downstate" with Chicago--i.e., anything rural or outside of Chicago is

Omer N. Custer: A Biography of a Downstate Political Boss
Lowell N. Peterson
Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984)
Vol. 60, No. 1 (Spring, 1967), pp. 37-63
Published by: Illinois State Historical Society
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40190241
p. 52 [but several other mentions in the article]

> Downstate, Custer had  the support of many of the friends he had made over
> the years: former State Treasurer Garrett Kinney and county chairman Sheldon
> McWorth in Peoria,[82] Rock Island County Republican  chairman  Harry
>  Cozad, the  East  Moline  mayor, Charles F.  Carpentier,[83] congressman
> Burnett Chiperfield, the  Peoria  Journal,  the  Jacksonville  Daily
>  Journal,  the Abingdon Kodak (a  Knox  County paper which  at  other times
>  had  opposed the  machine), the  Galva  News,  and several other
> newspapers.[84]

How State Responses Confound Federal Policy: Reaganomics and the New
Federalism in New York
Sarah F. Liebschutz, Irene Lurie and Richard W. Small
Vol. 13, No. 2, The State of American Federalism, 1982 (Spring, 1983), pp.
Published by: Oxford University Press
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3330115
p. 62

> State  priorities tend  to  strongly influence local  decisions
>  respecting the  provision  of  services,  as  state  reimbursement  is
>  certain  only for mandated  services.  The  historical  disparity  between
>  "upstate"  and "downstate"  practices-with  upstate counties  concentrating
>  on  mandated  services,  and downstate,  on  both mandated
>  and non-mandated  services-has  already been illustrated for Monroe
> County and  New  York  City.

Crime Control Ideology among New York State Legislators
Timothy J. Flanagan, Debra Cohen and Pauline Gasdow Brennan
Legislative Studies Quarterly
Vol. 18, No. 3 (Aug., 1993), pp. 411-422
Published by: Comparative Legislative Research Center
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/439833

> We created eight regional groups of contiguous districts. These
> geographic units include urban and nonurban areas. For example, the western
> region included the city of Buffalo and surrounding areas. The southeastern
> region extended from Albany south to districts north of New York City.
> Lawmakers from these two regions participated at a higher rate than those
> from other regions. In New York State, however, the dominant political
> division of the state is New York City/other or upstate/downstate. Downstate
> includes New York City, Long Island, and the "collar counties"
> surrounding New York City. There were no significant differences in the
> response rates across these political regions.

Some of these are more important than others because they represent formal
divisions that go into official press releases, publications, government
statistics, etc.


On Wed, May 18, 2011 at 2:45 PM, Dan Goncharoff <thegonch at gmail.com> wrote:

> My view is that in NY state, between NYC+LI and Albany, "upstate" is north
> and west of wherever you're from.
> Jstor has an interesting article presenting a specific definition:
> http://www.jstor.org/pss/486854
> <http://www.jstor.org/pss/486854>
> Pronunciation in Downstate New York (I)
> C. K. Thomas
> American Speech
> Vol. 17, No. 1 (Feb., 1942), pp. 30-41
> It looks like this is an ADS publication.
> It defines "downstate" as the five counties of NYC plus Nassau to its east.
> Suffolk County, the eastern part of Long Island, is considered not part of
> "downstate", because it is rural, and its speech patterns are closer to CT.
> DanG

The American Dialect Society - http://www.americandialect.org

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