[Lingtyp] Applicative and preposition

Wed Oct 17 14:45:49 UTC 2018

Hello,

I know of some phenomena that is similar to this (I think) in Chácobo and
other languages. But I have a question about terminology here. Why is it
still an applicative if a (n oblique?) postposition is marked on the
"promoted" argument? What are the criteria that identify it as "promoted"
in this case (non-repeatability, position in clause etc...). Or is there
some type of semantic criterion at work here?

best,

Adam

On Wed, Oct 17, 2018 at 9:36 AM Françoise Rose <francoise.rose at univ-lyon2.fr>
wrote:

> Dear Simon,
>
>
>
> Thanks for your query, it’s very interesting.
>
>
>
> I just gave a talk at SWL8 on an applicative construction of Mojeño that
> is correlated with the presence of verbal classifiers that refer to a
> location. When such a verbal classifier is present, the “coreferential” NP
> can be expressed as an object rather than an oblique (i.e. it loses its
> preposition, as in the second example below). Interestingly, there is some
> variation. The preposition can be maintained in the locative phrase, even
> when the verbal classifier is present, but there is then no valency change
> (so the construction does not count as an applicative). Intransitive verbs
> take a 3rd person subject t-prefix, while transitive verbs take some
> semantically more specific prefixes for 3rd person when the object is
> third person also (as in the second example). So this case is not exactly
> what you were looking for, but the presence of three alternates here is
> interesting: the construction of example 3 could well be an intermediate
> step in the development of the applicative effect of classifiers.
>
>
>
> t-junopo=po
>
> *te*
>
> to
>
> smeno
>
> 3-run=pfv
>
> *prep*
>
> art.nh
>
> woods
>
> 'S/he ran *to/in/from* the woods.'
>
>
>
> ñi-jumpo*-je*-cho
>
> to
>
> smeno
>
> 3m-run*-clf:interior*-act
>
> art.nh
>
> woods
>
> S/he runs *inside* the woods.
>
>
>
> t-jumpo*-je*-cho
>
> *te*
>
> to
>
> smeno
>
> 3-run*-clf:interior*-act
>
> *prep*
>
> art.nh
>
> woods
>
> S/he ran inside the woods.
>
>
>
> The slides from my presentation can be downloaded from SWL8 website.
>
> Very best,
>
>
>
>
>
> Françoise ROSE
>
> Directrice de Recherches 2ème classe, CNRS
>
> Laboratoire Dynamique Du Langage (CNRS/Université Lyon2)
>
> 16 avenue Berthelot
>
> 69007 Lyon
>
> FRANCE
>
> (33)4 72 72 64 63
>
> www.ddl.cnrs.fr/ROSE
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> *De :* Lingtyp [mailto:lingtyp-bounces at listserv.linguistlist.org] *De la
> part de* Simon Musgrave
> *Envoyé :* mercredi 17 octobre 2018 07:16
> *À :* LINGTYP at listserv.linguistlist.org
> *Objet :* [Lingtyp] Applicative and preposition
>
>
>
> Dear Lingtyp members,
>
>
> I am posting this query on behalf of one of my PhD students. We will post
> a summary of responses in due course.
>
> From existing studies of applicatives, only two Austronesian languages,
> Taba and Indonesian, have been documented to unexpectedly retain a
> preposition when an applicative affix is used to promote a previously
> non-core object to core.
> Bowden, in his grammatical description of Taba (2001), states that it is
> possible for the same idea to be expressed using three possibilities.
> Firstly, that the third entity is introduced by a preposition, secondly
> that the applied object is marked by an applicative morpheme and thirdly
> that the applied object can be marked by an applicative morpheme and
> preposition, as the following examples show.
>
> (1)a.    Ahmad    npun    kolay
>     Ahmad    3SG=kill    snake
>     ‘Ahmad killed a snake.’
>
> b.    Ahmad    npun    kolay    ada    peda    PREPOSITION
>     Ahmad    3SG=kill    snake    with    machete
>     ‘Ahmad killed a snake with a machete.’
>
> c.    Ahmad    npunak    kolay    peda    APPLICATIVE
>     Ahmad    3SG=kill-APPL    snake    machete
>     ‘Ahmad killed a snake with a machete.’
>
>     d.    Ahmad    npunak    kolay    ada    peda    BOTH
>     Ahmad    3SG=kill-APPL    snake    with    machete
>     ‘Ahmad killed a snake with a machete.’    (2001:204)
>
>
> Sometimes Indonesian clauses with applicative verbs suffixed with –kan
> retain the preposition directly following the verb when it is expected to
> have been lost according to conventional grammar rules, as shown in 2.
>
> (2)a.    Yang    penting    saya    sangat    men-cinta-i    Sandy
>     REL    important    1SG    very    meN.love.APPL    Sandy
>     dan     meny-enang-kan    atas    semua    ke-jadi-an    itu
>         meN-senang-kan
>     and    meN-pity-APPL    on    all    event    that
>     ‘What is important is that I love Sandy and regret everything that
> happened.’     (Musgrave 2001:156)
>
>     b.    Kami    juga    sudah    mem-bicara-kan    dengan
> pem-erintah     pusat
>     2PL    also    already    meN-talk-APPL    with    government
> central
>     di     Jakarta    soal    rencana    men-ambah    beasiswa    Jerman
>     in    Jakarta    matter    plan    meN-increase    scholarship
> German
>     untuk    Indonesia…
>     for    Indonesia
>     ‘We have also spoken with the central government in Jakarta about the
> plan to increase German scholarships to Indonesia.’      (Quasthoff &
> Gottwald 2012: indmix_565272)
>
>
> Previous studies of Indonesian have noted the co-occurrence of
> applicatives and prepositions and have usually made passing comments often
> speculating that this feature is prevalent in non-standard Indonesian.
>
> Our query is whether any list subscribers know of other languages which
> show this phenomenon and has anyone written about it?
>
>
>
> Thanks in advance for any information which you can share!
>
>
>
> Best, Simon
>
>
> References
> Bowden, John. 2001. Taba: Description of a South Halmahera language.
> Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
> Musgrave, Simon. 2001. Non-subject arguments in Indonesian. The University
> of Melbourne. (PhD thesis).
> Quasthoff, Uwe & Sebastian Gottwald. 2012. Leipzig corpus collection.
> (Ed.) Uwe Quasthoff & Gerhard Heyer. University of Leipzig.
> http://corpora2.informatik.uni-leipzig.de/.
>
>
> --
>
> --
>
> *Simon Musgrave  *
>
> Lecturer
>
> *School of Languages, Literatures, Cultures and Linguistics*
>
> Monash University
>
> VIC 3800
>
> Australia
>
>
>
> T: +61 3 9905 8234
>
> E: simon.musgrave at monash.edu <name.surname at monash.edu>
>
> monash.edu
>
>
>
>
>
> Secretary, Australasian Association for the Digital Humanities (aaDH
> <http://aa-dh.org/>)
>
>
> Official page <http://profiles.arts.monash.edu.au/simon-musgrave/>
>
>
>
>
>
>
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-- 
Adam J.R. Tallman
Investigador del Museo de Etnografía y Folklore, la Paz
PhD, UT Austin
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