[Lingtyp] From causal to complement markers
hernaitz at hotmail.com
Wed Sep 23 09:03:00 UTC 2020
I’m interested in finding examples of languages for which it might be assumed (either tacitly or explicitly) that elements marking complement clauses are directly derived from markers of causal clauses, as in (1) and (2):
Hausa (Chadic, Afroasiatic). Abdoulaye 2008.
(1) Dà su-kèe tsòoro-n à kaamàa su, sun gudù.
as 3p-RI fear-of imp.SBJ arrest 3p 3p.CPL flee
'As they are afraid of being arrested, they fled.'
(2) Naa yi màamaakìi dà su-kèe fìtaa dà wuri.
1s.CPL do surprise as 3p-RI go.out at early
'I am surprised that they go out early.'
For Hausa, Abdoulaye assumes that dà in (2) functions as a complementizer, and that this is a ‘secondary’ extension from a causal source (1). Similar interpretations can be found for Latin (quod, quia) or for a number of Semitic languages (e.g., Hebrew, Amharic or Akkadian). Schmidtke-Bode (2014) also mentions other possible cases, like Epena Pedee.
I’d be very grateful to hear about any other potential cases, no matter how loose these assumptions might be or how restricted to a small number of semantic context or complement-taking predicates.
Lecturer in Languages and Linguistics
School of Languages and Applied Linguistics
The Open University
rodrigo.hernaiz-gomez at open.ac.uk<mailto:rodrigo.hernaiz-gomez at open.ac.uk>
Abdoulaye, M. L. (2008). Origin of relative marking in Hausa. (https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00259490)
Schmidtke-Bode, K. (2014). Complement clauses and complementation systems: A cross-linguistic study of grammatical organization (Doctoral dissertation, Thüringer Universitäts-und Landesbibliothek Jena).
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